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424 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1969
It is opportune, perhaps today even mandatory, that we develop a more relevant psychology and philosophy of power relationships beyond the simple conceptual framework provided by our traditional formal politics.This work is, to be perfectly honest, quite the mess. Not nearly as much as is Brownmiller's Against Our Will, to which it is compared, but enough for me to be wary of both its status as classic and any who wholeheartedly abide by it. What worth it has is pure gold, but that, unfortunately, does not include its literary criticism, which is understandably its most advertised facet on a site such as this. A more accurate title would be 'White Sexual Politics', or 'White Anglo Sexual Politics', or 'White Anglo Heterosexual Sexual Politics with Random Inclusion of Homosexuals Focusing on This One French Gay Dude and Every So Often Comparisons to Black Civil Rights Politics, Nazi Germany, Soviet Russia, and Some Other Sensational Tidbits'. In short, it reads like a rant: wildly informative in parts, and I imagine extremely cathartic for many who needed such, but it hardly stands up to the sort of scrutiny I inflict these days on readings such as this. Brief mentions of Nin and Beauvoir in the footnotes are all very well, but when a whole host of other topics from leather culture to Fanon are disparagingly sampled, judged, and passed by, each within the scope of a single sentence, you can't expect me to believe that they don't necessitate the same amount of discussion to the point of apologism that Genet's 'The Blacks' received in this text. In short, too little coverage of too many things, and the only reason why I wasn't bowled over and/or disappointed by it was that I have enough former knowledge of most of the subjects to not only follow Millett's argument, but disapprove of various chunks of it. The biggest culprit would have to be the constant conflation of artist with art, whether created or engaged with: it's the same sort of theorizing that says that I, consumer of videos on the latest Doom game, am destined to become a mass murderer at some point in the future. Emotionally gratifying when it comes to calling out bigotry in pieces of literature, I'm sure, but the descent into thoughtcrime is a swift one, and the consequences of such can still be felt today. Decrying of hate speech, sure, but coaching of proper fictional representation is why diversity is uplifted today without active inclusion or building of equity, and such pretty pictures are not going to birth a necessary revolution.
When the only known "freedom" is a gilded voluptuousness attainable through the largesse of someone who owns and controls everything, there is little incentive to struggle for personal fulfillment or liberation.
Paternal authority was to be upheld again, which is not surprising when one understands that the sate saw itself as delegating its authority to parents and in turn demanding them to rear the young in the correct manner.The most useful sections is when Millett directly discusses governmental policies that, directly or otherwise, controlled the sexual, erotic, or romantic behavior of people under its control. Indeed, her strongest analysis came from that of the socioeconomic position of the family, and, combined with my concurrent reads of Emma Goldman's autobiography and experiences under COVID-19, I came out of it severely convinced that no improvement of the social system would occur without a serious overhaul of the current state of the nuclear family. Even her work on Freud had its uses, as psychology does its part in defining what is normal and what must be clinically diagnosed (medicinal rape, anyone?), to the point that I will not feel safe resorting to it until I have a stronger support system in place. The least useful were when she began, as previously mentioned, to conflate an artist with their art, as I don't care how awful a theorist or artist is, saying something like "whose own predilections one has little trouble in deducing from her work" lands us right back in the patriarchal thoughtcrime Christianity Millett was so keen on deconstructing. This doesn't even get into how I had to do all but stop up my ears any time she mentioned the word prostitute, or geisha, or harem, or randomly cited black people or the Civil Rights Movement of her time as a point of contrast, or followed up such with general praise for white supremacist Elizabeth Cady Stanton, etc, etc, etc. So: aged badly? For sure in some sections, but in others, we're nowhere where we need to be for all to have true equity, and in these days when my government is being more obvious than usual in its call for the human sacrifice of many on the altar of financial wealth for a few, I wonder if anyone will go back to Millett and apply certain lessons in humanity accordingly. Course, they have some real rocks to navigate past if they don't want to wreck their ship on more insidiously phrased systematic marginalization (I didn't even get into queer issues, including intersex, beyond the 'homosexuals' Millett kept throwing around, but that's a whole 'nother essay). A conundrum, that, but, in a way, no different from making a long stored sack potatoes into a healthful meal through the removal of many a nauseating eye.
To observe a group rendered passive, stolid in their suffering, forced into trivial vanity to please their superordinates, and, after summarizing these effects of long subordination, choose to conclude they were inevitable, and then commence to prescribe them as health, realism, and maturity, is actually a fairly blatant kind of Social Darwinism.
Psychologically, the very pattern of the tale cleverly provides satisfactions for the white male's guilt feelings over the dark peoples and "primitives" whom he exploits. He will atone by throwing them his woman to butcher, advancing his dominion over her in the process, and substituting his own rival as the scapegoat for imperialist excesses.Loaded with goodies as this work was, the sharp hypocrisy in its tone on many a topic, plus the sheer amount of wordy jargon stuffed into tiny font printed on inordinately large pages, made it a tiring read at times, and today so far has been particularly exhausting. I don't recommend this book as an introduction at all, but considering how I threw myself at The Second Sex back when I barely knew what I was doing, freedom to read is freedom to read, so do what you want. However, as has hopefully been evidenced by the previous sections in this review, you have to be careful with this stuff, however ponderously phrased or wish fulfilling in structure. It's not as much of a wash as other similarly concerned texts of its contemporaneous milieu are, but it's extremely easy for its targeted audience to come out of reading it imagining themselves the rightful center of a vanguard paradigm and see Thatcher's illegal paramilitary death squads in Ireland as 'girl power' (maybe not quite that bad, but after all the bald-faced promotion eugenics in one of my places of work involving the teaching of children the week before I went into shelter-in-place, better to assume the Overton Window is farther to the right than one wants to believe). So, much as Millett glories in her critical readings, be sure to critically read her as well. I just wouldn't encourage her breed of art conflated with author theorizings. Lord knows my own reviews are riddled with such, but considering that I'm still in my 20s, that's what growth is all about.
One cannot but note in passing that the force of this recommendation is to urge that women participate in political power not because such is their human right, but because an extension of their proper feminine sphere into the public domain would be a social good. This is to argue from expediency rather than justice.
Even acknowledging that, under the present circumstances of two sharply divided sexual cultures, we could achieve a human balance only through co-operation of the two groups with their fragmented collective personalities, one must really go further and urge a dissemination to members of each sex of those socially desirable traits previously confined to one or the other while eliminating the bellicosity or excessive passivity useless in either.
When a system of power is thoroughly in command, it has scarcely need to speak itself aloud; when its workings are exposed and questioned, it becomes not only subject to discussion, but even to change.