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371 pages, Kindle Edition
First published December 3, 2022
As one prominent Tcheka operative advised, “Don’t seek for incriminating evidence as to whether the prisoners took part, by deed or word, in a rebellion against the Soviet government. You have to ask him what class he belongs to, what is his origin, his education and profession. It is those questions that should decide the fate of the defendant—and therein lies the meaning of the red terror.”
The crafty Ludendorff accordingly sought “to improve peace possibilities through the internal weakening of Russia,” one of Germany’s foes at the time. This was an opportunity for Communist agitator Vladimir Lenin, who was widely regarded as a lunatic.
In March of 1921 they rebelled against Lenin’s forces, protesting in the streets and insisting upon their rights under socialism. The insurrectionists issued a fifteen-point manifesto, asking what had been promised for years by the ideology of socialism.
"Days of anguish and cannonading,” Berkman continued. “My heart is numb with despair; something has died within me. The people on the streets look bowed with grief, bewildered. No one trusts himself to speak. The thunder of heavy guns rends the air.”
With the defeat of the Kronstadt rebellion, the Bolshevik victory was now complete and total. “The time has come,” Lenin decreed, “to put an end to opposition, to put the lid on it; we have had enough opposition.” A mere nine days after Kronstadt fell, Lenin publicly declared war on those former allies who had been useful in putting over Bolshevism to the Russian people.
After the defeat of the Socialist rising in Vienna in 1934, several hundred members of the Socialist defense organization Schutzbound took refuge in Russia. They were welcomed as heroes, and marched past in a body in the Red Square to applause and congratulations. By mid-1937, they had been arrested and sent to camps “almost without exception.”
The problem with communism is that eventually you run out of possible scapegoats for failure—at which point acknowledging or even noticing that something was wrong itself becomes a form of treason.
The search for truth, the urge to understand the meaning of life, is wholly alien to the younger generation which has passed through the school of the Communist Youth Organization. For them, all problems have been solved; there is a standard answer to every question. The language of these intellectually impoverished young people is larded with ready-made phrases. They quote Stalin instead of thinking for themselves; they derive their opinion from Pravda editorials. They are arrogant and complacent, and everything that pertains to them is the greatest thing there is: their country, their power, their leader. Theirs is also the greatest misery and oppression, but they are unaware of this, for they have never known anything but Soviet life.
In the post-Stalin era, many dissidents in the Soviet Union and allied countries were sentenced to mental institutions for spurious reasons. You’d have to be insane to oppose the truth of communism, after all.
It thus became common for villagers to spy and inform on one another. Turning in a neighbor for having a sack of grain might be the easiest and safest way to procure food for one’s family.
One day Soviet President Mikhail Kalinin was in Moscow making a speech about how much the country had improved. He got particularly excited discussing the new twenty-story skyscrapers on Karl Marx Street in Kharkov.
A worker in the audience quietly stood up to protest. “Comrade Kalinin, I live in Kharkov. Almost every day I take a long walk on Karl Marx Street. I haven’t seen any skyscrapers.”
“That’s the trouble with you!” Barked Kalinin. “You waste your time promenading, instead of reading the newspapers and learning what is going on in the country!”
As extreme as Lenin's ideology was his rhetoric; two mechanisms by which it was easy to dismiss him as being utterly unpersuasive to most people. As Lenin biographer Victor Sebestyen pointed out, “Those who disagreed with him were ‘scoundrels,’ ‘philistines,’ ‘cretins, 'filthy scum, ', ‘whores, ‘class traitors,' ‘silly old maids, ‘ 'windbags’ (one of his favourite epithets, found frequently in his writings) and ‘blockheads.'” He often went obscene, and then “his opponents were invariably ‘shits’ or ‘cunts.'” By 1917 Lenin was thus both a has-been and a joke—but still a possible troublemaker. As historian Edward Crankshaw put it, “the German government...saw in this obscure fanatic one more bacillus to let loose in tottering and exhausted Russia to spread infection”
Thus, as time went on, in one very specific way the communist system started to “work.” As one Soviet escapee later wrote:
"The search for truth, the urge to understand the meaning of life, is wholly alien to the younger generation which has passed through the school of the Communist Youth Organization. For them, all problems have been solved; there is a standard answer to every question. The language of these intellectually impoverished young people is larded with ready-made phrases. They quote Stalin instead of thinking for themselves; they derive their opinion from Pravda editorials. They are arrogant and complacent, and everything that pertains to them is the greatest thing there is: their country, their power, their leader. Theirs is also the greatest misery and oppression, but they are unaware of this, for they have never known anything but Soviet life. The members of this younger generation have neither sympathy nor understanding for their elders; there is no bond between them. If anyone puts forth a thought which does not fit into the pattern laid down by Stalin, they do not argue against it, but they react with such suspicion of the other’s true intentions and hidden thoughts that he quickly learns to keep his ideas to himself."
Most humans are surprisingly low in empathy, meaning they lack the ability to see things from other people’s perspectives. Westerners tend to think that if we were to inform on our neighbors it would only be under duress or if they were doing something objectively wrong such as harming their children. In fact this is demonstrably not the case: There is rarely a shortage of people who will trip over themselves to inform on their countrymen without any pressure or even much tangible reward other than some sort of status or a sense of “I’m doing my part.” Some quite literally just have nothing better to do. As one Stasi recruiter said, “Well, some of them were convinced of the cause. But I think it was mainly because informers got the feeling that, doing it, they were somebody. You know—someone was listening to them for a couple of hours a week, taking notes. They felt they had it over other people.” It was an easy way for low-status, obedient people to become more important than they otherwise would have been (in retrospect, an enormous incentive). Many—too many—of the Stasi’s informers weren't drafted so much as they were volunteers. “It was pitiful, actually,” the recruiter concluded. “They were hardly paid at all.”
“Consensus: “The process of abandoning all beliefs, principles, values, and policies in search of something in which no one believes, but to which no one objects; the process of avoiding the very issues that have to be solved, merely because you cannot get agreement on the way ahead. What great cause would have been fought and won under the banner: ‘I stand for consensus?” - Margaret Thatcher