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CEO, China: The Rise of Xi Jinping
China has become the powerhouse of the world economy, its incredible boom overseen by the elite members of the secretive and all-powerful communist party. But since the election of Xi Jinping as General Secretary, life at the top in China has changed. Under the guise of a corruption crackdown, which has seen his rivals imprisoned, Xi Jinping has been quietly building one of the most powerful leaderships modern China has ever seen. In CEO China, the noted China expert Kerry Brown reveals the hidden story of the rise of the man dubbed the ‘Chinese Godfather’. Brown investigates his relationship with his revolutionary father, who was expelled by Mao during the Cultural Revolution, his business dealings and allegiances in China’s regional power struggles and his role in the internal battle raging between the old men of the Deng era and the new super-rich ‘princelings’. Xi Jinping’s China is powerful, aggressive and single-minded and this book will become a must-read for the Western world.
288 pages, Kindle Edition
Published April 28, 2016
About the author
Kerry Brown
93 books46 followersKerry Brown is an author, columnist, Professor of Chinese Studies and Director of the Lau China Institute at King's College, London.
*From Kerry's Website.*: Prior to this he was the Professor of Chinese Politcs and Director of the China Studies Centre at the University of Sydney. He led the Europe China Research and Advice Network(ECRAN) funded by the European Union from 2011 to 2014. He is an Associate Fellow on the Asia Programme at Chatham House, London. His main interests are in the politics and society of modern China, in its international relations and its political economy.
Educated at Cambridge (MA), London (Post Graduate Diploma in Chinese with Distinction) and Leeds Universities (Ph D), he worked in Japan and the Inner Mongolian region of China,before joining the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in London in 1998. He worked in the China Section and then served as First Secretary, Beijing, from 2000 to 2003, and Head of the Indonesia East Timor Section at the FCO from 2003 to 2005.
Kerry Brown has been published in most major newspapers, commenting on China and Asia, including the New York Times, The Guardian, the Daily Telegraph, the Australian Financial Review, the Australian, the South China Morning Post, and the Financial Times. He has also been interviewed since 2006 by the BBC, Al Jazeera, CNN, Bloomberg, ABC and other outlets. He had undertaken consultancy for Mizuho Bank, BP, Oxford Analytica, Hakluyt, Tesco and other corporates.
*From Kerry's Website.*: Prior to this he was the Professor of Chinese Politcs and Director of the China Studies Centre at the University of Sydney. He led the Europe China Research and Advice Network(ECRAN) funded by the European Union from 2011 to 2014. He is an Associate Fellow on the Asia Programme at Chatham House, London. His main interests are in the politics and society of modern China, in its international relations and its political economy.
Educated at Cambridge (MA), London (Post Graduate Diploma in Chinese with Distinction) and Leeds Universities (Ph D), he worked in Japan and the Inner Mongolian region of China,before joining the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in London in 1998. He worked in the China Section and then served as First Secretary, Beijing, from 2000 to 2003, and Head of the Indonesia East Timor Section at the FCO from 2003 to 2005.
Kerry Brown has been published in most major newspapers, commenting on China and Asia, including the New York Times, The Guardian, the Daily Telegraph, the Australian Financial Review, the Australian, the South China Morning Post, and the Financial Times. He has also been interviewed since 2006 by the BBC, Al Jazeera, CNN, Bloomberg, ABC and other outlets. He had undertaken consultancy for Mizuho Bank, BP, Oxford Analytica, Hakluyt, Tesco and other corporates.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 42 reviews
July 16, 2020
Seek Elsewhere for Insight
It's not possible to read Brown's biography of Xi Jinping without comparing it constantly to Ezra Vogel's Deng Xioaping and the Transformation of China. And in the comparison, Kerry Brown looks bad. Brown's text is more a potted history of modern China than an insightful revelation of individual character. There is much about the political structure of the country but little about the real sources of power. Vogel is a qualified Sinologist who uses his diverse sources with finesse. Brown is a tourist in comparison who can only restate official documents. I found the writing flat and often simply beside the point. A disappointment.
It's not possible to read Brown's biography of Xi Jinping without comparing it constantly to Ezra Vogel's Deng Xioaping and the Transformation of China. And in the comparison, Kerry Brown looks bad. Brown's text is more a potted history of modern China than an insightful revelation of individual character. There is much about the political structure of the country but little about the real sources of power. Vogel is a qualified Sinologist who uses his diverse sources with finesse. Brown is a tourist in comparison who can only restate official documents. I found the writing flat and often simply beside the point. A disappointment.
August 27, 2021
Two factors influenced my decision to give the book 'CEO, China: The Rise of Xi Jinping' by Kerry Brown 3 stars out of 5.
Regardless of their depth and thoroughness, the first reason - rapid data aging - affects all books on contemporary history and politics. The issue with the book is evident from the reviews on the first pages, where the book is praised for its timeliness, insightfulness, and provocative nature. In 2016, when the book was published, Xi Jinping had been in power for four years. At the time, he based his decisions and acted carefully, according to the Party's general long-term plan for China's improvement. Being simultaneously a product of the CCP and a clever manipulator who knew how to use the Party's mechanisms to his favor, Xi Jinping couldn't instantly change the rules set in the Deng Xiaoping era, such as removing the two-term limit (the law was passed in 2018). Likewise, China's position on the international stage and its perception by other nations differed from the modern attitudes - primarily influenced by the way Chinese authorities handled the situation with emerging COVID-19. From the perspective of 2021, the book's information looks outdated in the best case and not well-researched, thorough in the worst.
Thereby, the second factor to rate the book 3 stars is its vagueness and incompleteness. Some conclusions in the book make an impression of guesswork based on fragmentary data. The author mainly uses official documents and newspaper articles that are highly distilled and censored due to the Chinese form of government.
However, the well-structured, understandable narrative represents an example to follow for other books on history. Chapter by chapter, the author examines Xi Jinping's background, his personal and Party circles, as well as his and China's political programs, and makes predictions about China's development.
Thus, the book can be a starting point for the general reader who has no previous knowledge of the topic. Unfortunately, the book will offer no new insights for the knowledgeable people who have already read about Xi Jinping and modern China.
Regardless of their depth and thoroughness, the first reason - rapid data aging - affects all books on contemporary history and politics. The issue with the book is evident from the reviews on the first pages, where the book is praised for its timeliness, insightfulness, and provocative nature. In 2016, when the book was published, Xi Jinping had been in power for four years. At the time, he based his decisions and acted carefully, according to the Party's general long-term plan for China's improvement. Being simultaneously a product of the CCP and a clever manipulator who knew how to use the Party's mechanisms to his favor, Xi Jinping couldn't instantly change the rules set in the Deng Xiaoping era, such as removing the two-term limit (the law was passed in 2018). Likewise, China's position on the international stage and its perception by other nations differed from the modern attitudes - primarily influenced by the way Chinese authorities handled the situation with emerging COVID-19. From the perspective of 2021, the book's information looks outdated in the best case and not well-researched, thorough in the worst.
Thereby, the second factor to rate the book 3 stars is its vagueness and incompleteness. Some conclusions in the book make an impression of guesswork based on fragmentary data. The author mainly uses official documents and newspaper articles that are highly distilled and censored due to the Chinese form of government.
However, the well-structured, understandable narrative represents an example to follow for other books on history. Chapter by chapter, the author examines Xi Jinping's background, his personal and Party circles, as well as his and China's political programs, and makes predictions about China's development.
Thus, the book can be a starting point for the general reader who has no previous knowledge of the topic. Unfortunately, the book will offer no new insights for the knowledgeable people who have already read about Xi Jinping and modern China.
April 9, 2017
The Chinese economy has always fascinated me, the Chinese political and judicial systems less so. The economy is so rich and hopeful and life-giving because it is run by an irrepressibly entrepreneurial populace who can find their way, like water, around any obstacle. Marginal gains, in the past, were enough. People weren’t so much out to make a killing (“the nail that sticks up is beaten down”) as to feast well occasionally. Food was important. Not many of those simple goals remain; severe imbalances have appeared since market reforms were introduced in 1978. Xi Jinping took over in 2012 and is currently General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, President of the People's Republic of China, and Chairman of the Central Military Commission.
This look at Xi Jinping could be a college course with plenty of room for more side research on aspects of Xi’s background, political comrades, and challenges. This work culminates finally in a truly interesting and too-short discussion of democracy, the judicial system, taxation, corruption, cyberspace, population movements, and the leadership of the Party. Reference to these issues are quickly sketched, addressing complexities it has not space to detail. It is understandable for an interested beginner, and may raise important questions that experienced China-watchers would like to pursue.
The first part of the book details the background of Xi Jinping, not adding terribly more than the information found in Evan Osnos’ 2015 article “Born Red” in The New Yorker. Biographical information about Xi is available because the government allows it to be found. Outside of his personal life, however, there are plenty of things about his governance that can be discovered and discussed, including how he has structured leadership of the government, the Party, the judiciary, the military, and how closely he follows (or not) exhortations of Mao, Deng, and other revolutionaries.
There are parallels one could make between the way Xi interacts with “the masses” of China and America’s new President Trump. This book was written and published before Trump was elected, but makes observations about Xi using the internet for direct access to people without interference from the propaganda department, which sometimes could be difficult to control precisely.
Chinese leaders studied the reasons for the failure of the USSR and believe that Western political interference was key. The dysfunction of the western democratic model, the fractiousness, the corruptibility of the system by massive cash infusions, the time it takes, the possibility of choosing bad candidates—all these are reasons why the Chinese government is not anxious to go in that direction. But because the loosening of controls over economic growth has created relatively massive gains in the wealth held by individuals, it may be necessary to rebalance by means of taxation. Taxation without representation is anathema in China as anywhere, thus pushing on the door of democratic change. The pressure for such changes grows annually.
Another discussion I have not seen elsewhere references China’s relations with North Korea: “‘The country Kim Jong-Il hates most is China,’” North Korean defector Jan Jin-sung wrote in his memoirs. The most important barrier, Jan wrote, was the 'ideological demarcation line' between China and the DPRK, not the 38th parallel between South and North Korea. China’s leaders have long treated North Korea as unstable, parasitical, even contemptible. Xi visited South Korea while showing no interest in going further north for a visit. That Kim Jong-Un’s half brother was murdered while under the protection of the Chinese gives an observer the sense the feelings are reciprocal.
Brown’s scholarship is clear and comprehensive, one long argument surmising Xi Jinping's role, decisions, and direction. At the very end is a section looking to the future. The whole is interesting and useful, definitely worth a look.
This look at Xi Jinping could be a college course with plenty of room for more side research on aspects of Xi’s background, political comrades, and challenges. This work culminates finally in a truly interesting and too-short discussion of democracy, the judicial system, taxation, corruption, cyberspace, population movements, and the leadership of the Party. Reference to these issues are quickly sketched, addressing complexities it has not space to detail. It is understandable for an interested beginner, and may raise important questions that experienced China-watchers would like to pursue.
The first part of the book details the background of Xi Jinping, not adding terribly more than the information found in Evan Osnos’ 2015 article “Born Red” in The New Yorker. Biographical information about Xi is available because the government allows it to be found. Outside of his personal life, however, there are plenty of things about his governance that can be discovered and discussed, including how he has structured leadership of the government, the Party, the judiciary, the military, and how closely he follows (or not) exhortations of Mao, Deng, and other revolutionaries.
There are parallels one could make between the way Xi interacts with “the masses” of China and America’s new President Trump. This book was written and published before Trump was elected, but makes observations about Xi using the internet for direct access to people without interference from the propaganda department, which sometimes could be difficult to control precisely.
”For Xi, having this ability to go through social media to speak directly to as wide a public as possible is also a golden opportunity. This weakens the meddlesome interference of propaganda intermediaries who can often get things badly wrong,…Xi is probably the first leader of the country who has had to have a clear, serious digital strategy…The Party must keep close to the people, Xi has said many times.”Xi does not try to diminish Mao’s legacy but uses Mao’s appeal to emotion, to loyalty, to ideology. “Ideology…underpins and underlines the fundamental claims of the Party.” The Party is central to how everything is organized in China. “Xi…has had one great intuitive insight that has given him the edge over his peers…Moral, symbolic, and idealistic appeals really control allegiance. This is the main territory that he has sought to secure. So while he is not Maoist in his ideology, he is very Maoist in his understanding of the need to locate durable power and gain traction on it.”
Chinese leaders studied the reasons for the failure of the USSR and believe that Western political interference was key. The dysfunction of the western democratic model, the fractiousness, the corruptibility of the system by massive cash infusions, the time it takes, the possibility of choosing bad candidates—all these are reasons why the Chinese government is not anxious to go in that direction. But because the loosening of controls over economic growth has created relatively massive gains in the wealth held by individuals, it may be necessary to rebalance by means of taxation. Taxation without representation is anathema in China as anywhere, thus pushing on the door of democratic change. The pressure for such changes grows annually.
Another discussion I have not seen elsewhere references China’s relations with North Korea: “‘The country Kim Jong-Il hates most is China,’” North Korean defector Jan Jin-sung wrote in his memoirs. The most important barrier, Jan wrote, was the 'ideological demarcation line' between China and the DPRK, not the 38th parallel between South and North Korea. China’s leaders have long treated North Korea as unstable, parasitical, even contemptible. Xi visited South Korea while showing no interest in going further north for a visit. That Kim Jong-Un’s half brother was murdered while under the protection of the Chinese gives an observer the sense the feelings are reciprocal.
Brown’s scholarship is clear and comprehensive, one long argument surmising Xi Jinping's role, decisions, and direction. At the very end is a section looking to the future. The whole is interesting and useful, definitely worth a look.
May 24, 2016
While the title and cover of the book may mislead some toward the notion that CEO, China may be some kind of sensationalist piece, focused upon how Xi Jinping, as many sources proclaim, is the most powerful Chinese leader since Mao, and therefore, would be heavy on the sensationalism, and low on the academic dimension, nothing could be further from the truth.
CEO, China is a highly academic and thoroughly analytical work that understands and explains the nature and dimensions of power within modern China. So, rather than being purely a biographical work on Mr Xi Jinping, the book also contains analysis of China's political system, and projections upon China's path of development.
Understanding China's political system is a difficult task to say the least. It is opaque and enigmatic, even to those with insider's views. Therefore, any works that claim to have a clear analysis or understanding should be met with skepticism, although Kerry Brown makes no such claims within his work. Rather, he acknowledges the complexity of the task, and makes no grandiose pronouncements.
As well as a decent analysis of China's political system, that would bring those unfamiliar partially up to speed, and perhaps shed some new light for those already well versed (including this reader) Brown also provides a decent background on Xi's father, Xi Zhongxun, revealing him to be a rather moderate and noble figure among the 8 Immortals (Xi Zhongxun's inclusion in this group is disputed).
However, the biography and insight into Mr Xi Jinping himself is just as good as the rest of the book. Among the questions many will be curious about is, how did Xi Jinping rise to power? It is a question that has baffled many, including this reader, and there are no simple explanations. The clear reason why this invites speculations is that Xi clearly was not the preferred choice of his predecessor, Hu Jintao, who would clearly have preferred his protege from the Youth League Li Keqiang, however, the explanation that Xi Jinping is a "Jiang man" also fails to adequately explain his rise.
Brown makes no grand statements, rather he offers the context of Xi's life and career with the explanation that all the tests in local government, national government, coupled with background and service, could mean that he considered "the right stuff" by a sufficient amount of the party's brokers to inherit the party's scepter and orb.
Kerry Brown also offers insight into Xi's domestic agenda and his foreign policy views, with enough to make possible projections of where the party and China is headed, and the possible pitfalls along the way.
Brown makes no pronouncements of Xi being all powerful, rather he acknowledges the reality that power is a fragile thing, and it can be lost if one makes sufficient enemies, or makes a false step. Similarly, Brown posits a well known, but rarely acknowledged reality, that real danger lies within the party itself in the form of Maoists, and if a Maoist was to rise high enough, and carried sufficient charisma (ala Bo Xilai) Xi (and arguably the country) could be in serious trouble.
On the whole, CEO, China is both immensely readable, and insightful. It is a truly penetrating analysis of the nature of power in modern China, and gives a thoroughly balanced and insightful perspective on China's current, Paramount Leader.
CEO, China is a highly academic and thoroughly analytical work that understands and explains the nature and dimensions of power within modern China. So, rather than being purely a biographical work on Mr Xi Jinping, the book also contains analysis of China's political system, and projections upon China's path of development.
Understanding China's political system is a difficult task to say the least. It is opaque and enigmatic, even to those with insider's views. Therefore, any works that claim to have a clear analysis or understanding should be met with skepticism, although Kerry Brown makes no such claims within his work. Rather, he acknowledges the complexity of the task, and makes no grandiose pronouncements.
As well as a decent analysis of China's political system, that would bring those unfamiliar partially up to speed, and perhaps shed some new light for those already well versed (including this reader) Brown also provides a decent background on Xi's father, Xi Zhongxun, revealing him to be a rather moderate and noble figure among the 8 Immortals (Xi Zhongxun's inclusion in this group is disputed).
However, the biography and insight into Mr Xi Jinping himself is just as good as the rest of the book. Among the questions many will be curious about is, how did Xi Jinping rise to power? It is a question that has baffled many, including this reader, and there are no simple explanations. The clear reason why this invites speculations is that Xi clearly was not the preferred choice of his predecessor, Hu Jintao, who would clearly have preferred his protege from the Youth League Li Keqiang, however, the explanation that Xi Jinping is a "Jiang man" also fails to adequately explain his rise.
Brown makes no grand statements, rather he offers the context of Xi's life and career with the explanation that all the tests in local government, national government, coupled with background and service, could mean that he considered "the right stuff" by a sufficient amount of the party's brokers to inherit the party's scepter and orb.
Kerry Brown also offers insight into Xi's domestic agenda and his foreign policy views, with enough to make possible projections of where the party and China is headed, and the possible pitfalls along the way.
Brown makes no pronouncements of Xi being all powerful, rather he acknowledges the reality that power is a fragile thing, and it can be lost if one makes sufficient enemies, or makes a false step. Similarly, Brown posits a well known, but rarely acknowledged reality, that real danger lies within the party itself in the form of Maoists, and if a Maoist was to rise high enough, and carried sufficient charisma (ala Bo Xilai) Xi (and arguably the country) could be in serious trouble.
On the whole, CEO, China is both immensely readable, and insightful. It is a truly penetrating analysis of the nature of power in modern China, and gives a thoroughly balanced and insightful perspective on China's current, Paramount Leader.
January 29, 2017
Xi Jingping and the chinese government are interesting topics, with an impact on todays society. With the alienation of the trump administration with the chinese one it was interesting to me to look at the man and the party in china, especially because I was to china recently.
The book did deliver on this topics. It is incredibly dense with information and it gives a solid understanding not only of the main himself, but also about his history, the parties history and the party itself. I definitely learned a lot by reading this book.
But because of the density of information in this book, it is at times boring to read and feels like a chore to get through.
The book did deliver on this topics. It is incredibly dense with information and it gives a solid understanding not only of the main himself, but also about his history, the parties history and the party itself. I definitely learned a lot by reading this book.
But because of the density of information in this book, it is at times boring to read and feels like a chore to get through.
June 30, 2017
Coming with zero or no context, it at least helps to present one perspective on the history of the CCP and Xi Jinping.
One interesting excerpt: “Liberal-democratic models do not appeal to the Party. Once, there may have been naive faith in a US- or British-style system. But the Chinese elite have watched these closely and seen just how messy they can become. They may sincerely believe that the United States has a great system for itself, but evidently don’t see how it can be implemented in China. This is not just about preserving the monopoly in political power of the CCP. Like many, they see the dysfunctionality of the US system, and the fractious nature of its operations, its increasing hunger for patronage and money, and the ways in which it is often unable to confront hard issues and make decisions because of divisions within itself.”
One interesting excerpt: “Liberal-democratic models do not appeal to the Party. Once, there may have been naive faith in a US- or British-style system. But the Chinese elite have watched these closely and seen just how messy they can become. They may sincerely believe that the United States has a great system for itself, but evidently don’t see how it can be implemented in China. This is not just about preserving the monopoly in political power of the CCP. Like many, they see the dysfunctionality of the US system, and the fractious nature of its operations, its increasing hunger for patronage and money, and the ways in which it is often unable to confront hard issues and make decisions because of divisions within itself.”
August 18, 2018
"What do you know about the man who runs China?" the blurb demanded.
"Nothing," I blinked. Well, basically nothing.
I couldn't believe it...I knew basically nothing about Xi Jinping, one of the most powerful leaders in the world today. (I also have some Chinese heritage, which makes it even more embarrassing.)
Xi, in fact, may wield more influence than any other secular leader. He functions not only as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) but also as their "core leader" - putting him in the same league as Mao. In parallel, he shows the other communist nations (nominally very few) what a strong communist leader looks like. With a GDP on track to overtake the United States' in the next decade, China's version of socialism is not to be ignored, and Xi is well placed to be more than just a figurehead.
Search Amazon for "xi jinping biography" and relatively few books come up. Remove the word "biography" and the results are better, though apparently little read, if we go by the number of reviews. If Xi is so important, why do we in the West talk so little about him as opposed to, say, Putin? The mystery in my mind was growing as I picked up Kerry Brown's biography, boldly titled CEO, China: The Rise of Xi Jinping.
Read the full review on my blog >>
"Nothing," I blinked. Well, basically nothing.
I couldn't believe it...I knew basically nothing about Xi Jinping, one of the most powerful leaders in the world today. (I also have some Chinese heritage, which makes it even more embarrassing.)
Xi, in fact, may wield more influence than any other secular leader. He functions not only as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) but also as their "core leader" - putting him in the same league as Mao. In parallel, he shows the other communist nations (nominally very few) what a strong communist leader looks like. With a GDP on track to overtake the United States' in the next decade, China's version of socialism is not to be ignored, and Xi is well placed to be more than just a figurehead.
Search Amazon for "xi jinping biography" and relatively few books come up. Remove the word "biography" and the results are better, though apparently little read, if we go by the number of reviews. If Xi is so important, why do we in the West talk so little about him as opposed to, say, Putin? The mystery in my mind was growing as I picked up Kerry Brown's biography, boldly titled CEO, China: The Rise of Xi Jinping.
Read the full review on my blog >>
December 12, 2016
The book offers insights about the dynamics of power in nowadays China, as well as Xi Jinping's political steps up to the leadership ladder in a political and cultural system only partially understood outside the Big Wall. The information are detailed, particularly in the case of Xi. You can have an idea about the Big Leap Forward China went through in the last years, in terms of economic expansion and personal welfare of the top leadership. The downside of too much information is to become captive of this information and fail to share any critical point of view.
Disclaimer: Book offered by the published in exchange for an honest review
Disclaimer: Book offered by the published in exchange for an honest review
February 23, 2021
Published in 2016 so does show its age now. And a lot has changed since then - Trump's trade war, Uighur detention, increased takeover of Hong Kong, coronavirus, Xi Jin Ping removing two term limit on presidency -so the predictions in the last chapter of an internally harmonious China that's externally harmonious with the world appears to encompass a narrower probability space.
Well-written and easy to read. It reads like someone who has spent time in China and understands the mindset of the Chinese people as well as the ethos of the CCP.
Kerry Brown has provided much more historical and political context and significantly more additional information that was new for me when compared to the more conceptual little book that I read earlier in the year about Xi Jin Ping (also written by Kerry Brown).
The book covers in successive chapters 1. where power lies in China, 2. a biographical chapter on Xi Jin Ping, 3. Xi Jin Ping's allies, influences, and enemies, 4. Xi Jin Ping's political programme (as of the books publication date) 5. Xi Jin Ping's hierarchy of relationships with foreign powers 6. an imagined future of China.
Well-written and easy to read. It reads like someone who has spent time in China and understands the mindset of the Chinese people as well as the ethos of the CCP.
Kerry Brown has provided much more historical and political context and significantly more additional information that was new for me when compared to the more conceptual little book that I read earlier in the year about Xi Jin Ping (also written by Kerry Brown).
The book covers in successive chapters 1. where power lies in China, 2. a biographical chapter on Xi Jin Ping, 3. Xi Jin Ping's allies, influences, and enemies, 4. Xi Jin Ping's political programme (as of the books publication date) 5. Xi Jin Ping's hierarchy of relationships with foreign powers 6. an imagined future of China.
Want to read
April 21, 2022
January 29, 2024
Xi Jinping is certainly the dictator of all time. I am eager to read this book as it seems highly engaging and informative.
December 12, 2021
Not bad as a (very basic) introduction to Chinese politics, but very thin on the man himself. At no point does it become clear why Brown considers himself in a good position to write about Xi. The book's premise, that Xi only exists as a product of the party, also has been shown to be flawed by recent events.
May 12, 2016
Fascinating insight into the Chinese Godfather, one of the most powerful leaders in Modern China, about his power struggles, business dealings and how he is a powerful aggressor and the powerhouse of the world economy.
February 2, 2017
Fascinating insight into the Chinese Godfather, one of the most powerful leaders in Modern china, his business dealings, power struggles and is a powerful aggressor and the powerhouse of the world economy. HIGHLY RECOMMENDED A MUST READ BOOK
January 30, 2017
Great overview of Xi's upbringing, background and rise to power. Analysis of current inner circle combined with historical perspective provides insight into Xi's mindset, ideology and POV on Chinese future.
June 7, 2022
An underwhelming book that offers little insight into Xi Jinping's biography or personality, outside what can already be found in official Chinese sources and speeches, and is practically worthless if you have any background in China studies. Don't waste your time.
November 20, 2016
An excellent, insightful analysis of the man who leads China. Brown's comparison of the Chinese leadership with that of the Vatican was useful and insightful.
October 13, 2016
A must-read for anyone interested in China's current affairs.
November 30, 2016
Insightful book on China's governing structure. Extensive bibliography list.
May 22, 2017
Lots of good information, but put together in a way that feels very disorganized. Jumps around in both time and place.
March 25, 2018
"Today, even in the second decade of the twenty-first century, the CCP remains close to its idealistic, utopian roots. It believes, in ways that most Western leaders of recent years do not, in scientific development, and in procedures, rules and a body of truths that will lead to a better world, one slowly approaching perfection. For Marxism, the Party maintains its convictions about historical progress: through thesis and antithesis to synthesis." (48)
"Xi's new mission, it has increasingly become clear, is to wage war against its becoming the ultimate corporation, a money-making Midas machine that turns all it touches to wealth, at least for its top members. His tactics have therefore been to restore the Party to its idealistic roots, to cleanse its elite leaders in order that they can perform their functions as leaders, rather than wealth dispensers, and to do this through a mixture of managed crisis and fear. This, in essence, is his political programme. And it is why Mao is still of immense importance for him." (105)
"Corruption attacks two sets of assets: the material and the economic, and the reputational. It erodes not only the financial capital of the CCP, but also its moral capital. It is the latter that Xi has been keener to address." (172)
"The net result of this 'assertiveness,' as some described it, was that China was lonely and bereft of real friends. Its soft-power efforts have achieved less allegiance diplomatically than hoped. Chinese foreign outward investment and the Confucius Institute (a non-profit organization abed in universities throughout the world that aims to promote Chinese language and culture), along with the other paraphernalia of soft diplomacy and its attendant symbolism, have not gained China international trust and respect. This has been the cause of deep frustration..." (191)
"For Xi Jinping, the great irony is that just as he is trying to wean Chinese people off addiction to pure money and money-making, and to encourage them to think about more complex and nuanced social outcomes to strive for, the rest of the world seems to have fallen deeply in love with Chinese money." (203)
"Xi's new mission, it has increasingly become clear, is to wage war against its becoming the ultimate corporation, a money-making Midas machine that turns all it touches to wealth, at least for its top members. His tactics have therefore been to restore the Party to its idealistic roots, to cleanse its elite leaders in order that they can perform their functions as leaders, rather than wealth dispensers, and to do this through a mixture of managed crisis and fear. This, in essence, is his political programme. And it is why Mao is still of immense importance for him." (105)
"Corruption attacks two sets of assets: the material and the economic, and the reputational. It erodes not only the financial capital of the CCP, but also its moral capital. It is the latter that Xi has been keener to address." (172)
"The net result of this 'assertiveness,' as some described it, was that China was lonely and bereft of real friends. Its soft-power efforts have achieved less allegiance diplomatically than hoped. Chinese foreign outward investment and the Confucius Institute (a non-profit organization abed in universities throughout the world that aims to promote Chinese language and culture), along with the other paraphernalia of soft diplomacy and its attendant symbolism, have not gained China international trust and respect. This has been the cause of deep frustration..." (191)
"For Xi Jinping, the great irony is that just as he is trying to wean Chinese people off addiction to pure money and money-making, and to encourage them to think about more complex and nuanced social outcomes to strive for, the rest of the world seems to have fallen deeply in love with Chinese money." (203)
July 11, 2019
For someone without much incoming knowledge on the topic, this was a great read that combined raw information with analysis, on both historical and contemporary scales. I'm wary of taking the authors positions too matter-of-factly because of my relative lack of knowledge, but everything seemed well-reasoned and defensible. More than anything else this book is an analysis of the CCP, and an illuminating look at how its power structures operate. I really was not aware of how "continuous" a narrative the CCP tries to maintain, and all the information on the legacy of Mao and how Xi tries to set up modern China's relation to Mao is fascinating. The book does a great job of highlighting the many points of tension the party either faces or could face (across a range of personal matters for Xi, domestic policy issues, foreign issues, etc). One thing that is constantly hammered home is the tension between pragmatic/practical concerns (largely economic) and the need to create an ideological vision for the party. The book veered into over-abstraction at a few points, particularly towards the end, but largely was full of substance-rich introduction to and probing of China's political system and the questions it faces. Would be curious to read the author's thoughts on the major events since this publication (expansion of 1B1R, abolishment of term limits, current trade war).
July 20, 2021
The preface and the first 2 and a half chapters are pretty interesting and informative, but after the end of the third chapter it becomes intensely boring with very little concrete data and a lot of speculation. The last chapter reads almost like stream of consciousness.
I gave it a 3/5 because the first 1/3 of the book really was quite good, but then it just got worse and dragged on and on.
I also study China academically and I find this book in some sort of awkward zone of not being detailed enough to entertain me or keep me interested, but also probably being too esoteric for a layman.
Some of it is a little dated now in light of the pandemic, which was coincidentally one of the things that the author predicted could derail China's development. The fact that it didn't derail China would seem to contradict one of the author's suppositions.
I gave it a 3/5 because the first 1/3 of the book really was quite good, but then it just got worse and dragged on and on.
I also study China academically and I find this book in some sort of awkward zone of not being detailed enough to entertain me or keep me interested, but also probably being too esoteric for a layman.
Some of it is a little dated now in light of the pandemic, which was coincidentally one of the things that the author predicted could derail China's development. The fact that it didn't derail China would seem to contradict one of the author's suppositions.
December 10, 2021
A good read about the political rise of Xi Jinping. Expecting a deeper research made regarding his childhood, however; the book focused on his life starting as a neophyte politician. Through his wits, he was able to outlived rivals. This book gave a glimpse of what he had done, his beliefs and what he became. Further readings must be given. This book was written in 2016. Many developments happened after this was published. The question in the last part of the book was, could he win the Politburo and remain in power? Yes.
April 16, 2022
Felt more like a collection of scattered thoughts on modern Chinese government system and information about Xi Jinping's current standing. Could be a better written with more cohesiveness but as a book designed to explain the sources of power in modern Chinese there is little insight thus it fails at its tasks. The initial biography of Xi Jinping's upbringing and his relationship developing alongside the Chinese state is interesting though. I just wish it tied back to the original aim of the book.
December 22, 2018
A wide-ranging book, looking at the political, historical and social environments as well as Xi himself, and the people surrounding him. The author knows China intimately, and writes well. It's a book that will be very informative for people with limited knowledge of Xi and China, but perhaps for those already familiar with the material, it won't contain any surprises or huge revelations. Though it can still be useful to have it all gathered together in one volume.
November 2, 2020
In 1969, future Chinese president Xi Jinping was banished to the wilderness of Shaanxi province in northern China. As part of his seven-year schooling in rural life, the 15-year-old carried manure and built dams, learning two vital lessons.
“One was to let me understand what is realistic, what is the meaning of seeking truth from facts, and what the people actually are. The other was to strengthen my self-confidence. As the saying goes, a sword grows sharp when rubbed against a stone, and men grow stronger through hardship,” Xi is quoted as saying in this new account of how he became China’s chief executive.
According to China expert Kerry Brown, Xi’s stint in the wilderness was lucky. After all, Shaanxi had served as the Communist Party’s revolutionary base since 1935, when the Red Army ended its Long March retreat there.
Xi’s ties to the base would boost his image as a faithful party supporter. Starting out as a village official, he gained all-round experience at different government levels, before evolving into a “peasant emperor” untainted by revolutionary violence – or that is how his fans see him. CEO, China maps Xi’s grassroots climb to the top in March, 2013, when he succeeded the low-key Hu Jintao.
Since, through a Pope Francis-style corruption clean-up conveniently resulting in rivals’ imprisonment, Xi has bolstered his status. Armed with a diverse portfolio, he is now one of the most powerful leaders in modern Chinese history, according to Brown.
Book review: Following the Leader, by David Lampton
3 Mar 2014
To shed more light on Xi’s rise, Brown parses his relationship with his big-shot military father purged by Mao during the 1966-1976 Cultural Revolution. Plus, Brown addresses Xi’s business transactions and allegiances, casting a glance at his part in the feud between Deng Xiaoping-age dinosaurs and the new breed of mega-rich “princelings”.
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Meantime, while taking a tough line on territorial disputes, the smiling strongman has curbed dissent and blocked some foreign websites. Other sites have been handled through the recruitment of thousands of vigilantes who take down “impure” pages. Still others have been handled by digital guerillas armed with aliases, who plant propaganda.
Book review: Deng Xiaoping: The Man Who Made Modern China, by Michael Dillon
25 Oct 2014
“Mao fought his battles with real troops on real battlefields. For Xi, the conflict is in virtual space. But the tactics to secure victory – concealment, subterfuge, bluff – are remarkably similar,” writes the shrewd and fluent doctor of Chinese politics with 10-plus books to his name.
Brown is particularly deft at conveying the flavour of party machinations.
“The party is a self-governing empire, and sets its own standards and objectives. In the West, those hunting for sources of power look at parliaments, courts, cabinets, armies and businesses. But there is nothing quite like the autonomy of the party, which is in ultimate control of all these entities. It is the supreme one-stop shop. And that means that as one ascends the hierarchy of the organisation, one gets increasingly giddy with the sort of authority an individual can have,” he writes.
Author Kerry Brown.
Author Kerry Brown.
Politburo members can do as they want: they have no terms of reference, no set aims to achieve and no other bodies to answer to, Brown adds, evoking the one that dominates George Orwell’s classic dystopian novel, 1984.
As the Orwellian organisation’s boss, Xi owes his success to that incalculably precious political asset, luck – a knack for being at the right place at the right time – and nous. He is an instinctively good reader of the party’s interests, according to Brown: a King’s College London professor of Chinese studies. With 20 years’ experience of Chinese life, he has worked in education, business and government, including a secretarial stint at the British Embassy in Beijing.
Brown’s diplomatic dimension may explain his deference towards key Xi influence Mao Zedong. Brown describes him as “contradictory and complex” – a generous take, given that Hong Kong-based historian Frank Dikötter has said that, on the genocide front, Mao was 20 times worse than Pol Pot.
Another gripe is the space given to shadowy figures on the party fringes. However hard to get, more personal insight into “the godfather” from wonks and comrades would have been good – sometimes amid a wave of white papers, Xi seems sidelined, even rusticated from the text.
Brown concludes that the future for the peasant emperor is uncertain. Under his guidance, China could become a sustainable, urban, green, high-status entity, according to Brown, who adds that, equally, Xi’s China dream could be killed by a palace coup.
Xi could also be floored by more unrest in Tibet or Xinjiang province in the northwest – or ecological trauma. “An environmental catastrophe, or a pandemic associated with it, is the most likely crisis that could end the Communist regime’s period in power and tear China apart,” Brown writes.
If Xi survives, even prospers, delivering on his programme of a bold, rich, sustainable nation by 2021, when his party role ends the next year, people may want him to stay.
In line, just like power-addicted Russian president Vladimir Putin, Xi may rewrite the constitution – extend his mandate. Not bad for a former manure carrier.
August 6, 2018
This is a great first read for me about China's leadership and government structure. I still need to read more on the topic to have a clearer picture but I felt that this book is a good first introduction to the topic with great perspective to understand the CPC.
April 9, 2019
This isn’t really a biography of Xi. It is more of a snapshot of the Chinese government and how Xi fits into it. If you deal with China regularly and need to understand how political power is exercised there this may be a book for you.
January 6, 2020
En helt ok första bok för att försöka lära sig förstå Kina. Denna är mestadels fokuserad på Xi Jinping men man får även lite bakgrundsförståelse kring hur han skiljer sig från tex Deng Xiaoping och Mao Zedong. Pluspoäng för att den är kort och koncis.
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