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Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China
Perhaps no one in the twentieth century had a greater long-term impact on world history than Deng Xiaoping. And no scholar of contemporary East Asian history and culture is better qualified than Ezra Vogel to disentangle the many contradictions embodied in the life and legacy of China’s boldest strategist.
Once described by Mao Zedong as a “needle inside a ball of cotton,” Deng was the pragmatic yet disciplined driving force behind China’s radical transformation in the late twentieth century. He confronted the damage wrought by the Cultural Revolution, dissolved Mao’s cult of personality, and loosened the economic and social policies that had stunted China’s growth. Obsessed with modernization and technology, Deng opened trade relations with the West, which lifted hundreds of millions of his countrymen out of poverty. Yet at the same time he answered to his authoritarian roots, most notably when he ordered the crackdown in June 1989 at Tiananmen Square.
Deng’s youthful commitment to the Communist Party was cemented in Paris in the early 1920s, among a group of Chinese student-workers that also included Zhou Enlai. Deng returned home in 1927 to join the Chinese Revolution on the ground floor. In the fifty years of his tumultuous rise to power, he endured accusations, purges, and even exile before becoming China’s preeminent leader from 1978 to 1989 and again in 1992. When he reached the top, Deng saw an opportunity to creatively destroy much of the economic system he had helped build for five decades as a loyal follower of Mao—and he did not hesitate.
Once described by Mao Zedong as a “needle inside a ball of cotton,” Deng was the pragmatic yet disciplined driving force behind China’s radical transformation in the late twentieth century. He confronted the damage wrought by the Cultural Revolution, dissolved Mao’s cult of personality, and loosened the economic and social policies that had stunted China’s growth. Obsessed with modernization and technology, Deng opened trade relations with the West, which lifted hundreds of millions of his countrymen out of poverty. Yet at the same time he answered to his authoritarian roots, most notably when he ordered the crackdown in June 1989 at Tiananmen Square.
Deng’s youthful commitment to the Communist Party was cemented in Paris in the early 1920s, among a group of Chinese student-workers that also included Zhou Enlai. Deng returned home in 1927 to join the Chinese Revolution on the ground floor. In the fifty years of his tumultuous rise to power, he endured accusations, purges, and even exile before becoming China’s preeminent leader from 1978 to 1989 and again in 1992. When he reached the top, Deng saw an opportunity to creatively destroy much of the economic system he had helped build for five decades as a loyal follower of Mao—and he did not hesitate.
928 pages, Hardcover
First published September 26, 2011
About the author
Ezra F. Vogel
37 books183 followersHe was born to a Jewish family in 1930 in Delaware, Ohio. He graduated from Ohio Wesleyan University in 1950 and received his Ph.D. from the Department of Social Relations in 1958 from Harvard. While attending Ohio Wesleyan, Vogel was a member of the Beta Sigma Tau fraternity (that later merged with the Pi Lambda Phi fraternity). [1]
He then went to Japan for two years to study the Japanese language and conduct research interviews with middle-class families.
He then went to Japan for two years to study the Japanese language and conduct research interviews with middle-class families.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 367 reviews
August 29, 2019
Continuity as Illusion
I question whether even the Chinese understand China. Perhaps because if they did the result might be mass suicide.
Much better, like the Catholic Church, to re-shape the meaning of words to the needs of the day while keeping the form constant. A sort of rationality can thus be maintained within the most irrational of situations. Then again, perhaps that is exactly what they’re up to: ‘The corrupt pope I’d dead, let us make him a saint.’
Deng's practical repudiation of the Maoism that almost killed him while maintaining the forms of Maoist 'thought' is the theme of this breath-taking political biography. Among other reasons for reading it is that none of the Chinese literature of the last 30 years is comprehensible without it.
Could it be that the Communist Party of China, indeed the entire Chinese political system, is merely an enormous irony enacted for the edification of unknowledgeable foreigners who believe that there must really be some underlying logic to Chinese society? Its purpose then would be to keep us busy (or entertained) by expressions that mean precisely the opposite of their literal translations. Either that or they really are mad.
I question whether even the Chinese understand China. Perhaps because if they did the result might be mass suicide.
Much better, like the Catholic Church, to re-shape the meaning of words to the needs of the day while keeping the form constant. A sort of rationality can thus be maintained within the most irrational of situations. Then again, perhaps that is exactly what they’re up to: ‘The corrupt pope I’d dead, let us make him a saint.’
Deng's practical repudiation of the Maoism that almost killed him while maintaining the forms of Maoist 'thought' is the theme of this breath-taking political biography. Among other reasons for reading it is that none of the Chinese literature of the last 30 years is comprehensible without it.
Could it be that the Communist Party of China, indeed the entire Chinese political system, is merely an enormous irony enacted for the edification of unknowledgeable foreigners who believe that there must really be some underlying logic to Chinese society? Its purpose then would be to keep us busy (or entertained) by expressions that mean precisely the opposite of their literal translations. Either that or they really are mad.
November 4, 2021
کتاب دنگ شیائوپینگ و اصلاحات در چین یک اثر عظیم 990 صفحه ای ایست که اگر چه با صبر و حوصله ، نویسنده روند مسلط شدن اصلاح طلبان و در راس آنها آقای پینگ را برچین و اقتصاد آن را شرح می دهد اما به ندرت خواننده آنرا خسته کننده می یابد . کتاب از دوران جوانی و روند آغاز انقلاب کمونیستی و آشنایی آقای پینگ با هیولایی به نام مائو ، جنگ داخلی ، جنگ با ژاپن ، باز هم جنگ داخلی و شاید اگر خلاصه اش کنم بهتر باشد ، نزدیک به 80 سال از تاریخ پر فراز و نشیب چین را در بر می گیرد .
نویسنده با مهارت فراوان و صد البته با تحقیق هایی که انجام داده است به سیر روحی آقای پینگ و عزم تزلزل ناپذیر ایشان برای اصلاحات می پردازد . برای ما ایرانیها شاید آقای مائو شناخته تر از پینگ باشد و به خصوص سبکی مائوایسم ایشان هم در ایران شناخته شده است . اما پینگ داستان بسیار جالبی دارد و عملا نشان و سر مشقی از صبر و بردباری و نماد پیروزی اراده یک جریان بر جریان مرتجع و انقلابی ایست . پینگ دو بار مورد غضب مائو قرار گرفت و بار اول حتی به خانواده او هم حمله شد و پسر ایشان دچار قطعی نخاع و انواع و اقسام حملات روحی شد . اما هر دو بار نه تنها باز به قدرت بازگشت ، بلکه توانست خود را به صورت استراتژیک به مائو نزدیک کند . زمانی هم که مائو فوت شد (بعد از سیاستهای غلطی که به کشته شدن 70 – 80 میلیون چینی انجامید ) پنگ اراده خود را به مرتجعین تحمیل کرد و با صبر فراوان به اصلاح سیاستهای شکست خورده مائو پرداخت . از کم کردن حجم ارتش خلق تا ایجاد راه آهن سراسری ، بهبود رابطه چین منزوی با همه کشورهای جهان به خصوص ژاپن و ایالات متحده ، دعوت به سرمایه گذاری خارجی ، فاصله گرفتن از شعارهای انقلاب چین در عین حال احترام به آن گذاشتن ، کمی آزاد کردن فضای سیاسی و بزرگترین دست آورد ایجاد شهرک های اقتصادی یا همان مناطق ویژه اقتصادی مانند گوانگ ژو و شینزن. . به تدریج انبوه سرمایه گذاران خارجی به این مناطق وارد شدند و تولید کالاهای بسیار گرانی مانند تلویزیون و یخچال به قدری در چین ارزان شد که تا سال نود ، در هر خانه ای پیدا می شد .
همین طور چین به رهبری شیائوپینگ برای سالیان سال دارای رشد اقتصادی نزدیک به 10% شد . تخمین می زنند که نزدیک به نیم میلیارد چینی در زمان آقای پینگ از خط فقر خارج شده اند و چین امروزی عملا دنباله رو سیاست های آقای پینگ است . اما در همین زمان آقای پینگ است که دانشجویان به دنبال آزادی سیاسی در میدان تیان آن من جمع شدند و آقای پینگ با همان قاطعیت در اجرای اصلاحات و پس از چند بار دادن فرصت برای خالی کردن میدان ، دستور سرکوب جنبش دانشجویی را داد و تعداد نا معلومی تلفات روی دست ملت گذاشت . در پایان برای من این سوال پیش آمد که آقای پینگ را چه گونه باید قضاوت کرد ؟ آیا این که جان میلیون ها چینی را نجات داد و کشور را در مسیر توسعه قرار داد تصویری درست از ایشان است یا این که دستور سرکوب تیان آن من را داد ؟
شاید هم نباید قضاوتی انجام داد و ایشان را به شکل مجموعه ای از خصوصیات مثبت غالب و کمی هم صفات منفی پذیرفت . اما نکته نسبتا آموزنده ای هم برای مخاطب ایرانی دارد . این که در انجام اصلاحات باید بی نهایت جدی بود و با گذاشتن پا روی پا و گفتن جمله تّکرار می کنم جلوی دوربین ، می توان یک آدم با مزه یا دلقک بود ولی اصلاح طلب ؟؟ قطعا نه !
نویسنده با مهارت فراوان و صد البته با تحقیق هایی که انجام داده است به سیر روحی آقای پینگ و عزم تزلزل ناپذیر ایشان برای اصلاحات می پردازد . برای ما ایرانیها شاید آقای مائو شناخته تر از پینگ باشد و به خصوص سبکی مائوایسم ایشان هم در ایران شناخته شده است . اما پینگ داستان بسیار جالبی دارد و عملا نشان و سر مشقی از صبر و بردباری و نماد پیروزی اراده یک جریان بر جریان مرتجع و انقلابی ایست . پینگ دو بار مورد غضب مائو قرار گرفت و بار اول حتی به خانواده او هم حمله شد و پسر ایشان دچار قطعی نخاع و انواع و اقسام حملات روحی شد . اما هر دو بار نه تنها باز به قدرت بازگشت ، بلکه توانست خود را به صورت استراتژیک به مائو نزدیک کند . زمانی هم که مائو فوت شد (بعد از سیاستهای غلطی که به کشته شدن 70 – 80 میلیون چینی انجامید ) پنگ اراده خود را به مرتجعین تحمیل کرد و با صبر فراوان به اصلاح سیاستهای شکست خورده مائو پرداخت . از کم کردن حجم ارتش خلق تا ایجاد راه آهن سراسری ، بهبود رابطه چین منزوی با همه کشورهای جهان به خصوص ژاپن و ایالات متحده ، دعوت به سرمایه گذاری خارجی ، فاصله گرفتن از شعارهای انقلاب چین در عین حال احترام به آن گذاشتن ، کمی آزاد کردن فضای سیاسی و بزرگترین دست آورد ایجاد شهرک های اقتصادی یا همان مناطق ویژه اقتصادی مانند گوانگ ژو و شینزن. . به تدریج انبوه سرمایه گذاران خارجی به این مناطق وارد شدند و تولید کالاهای بسیار گرانی مانند تلویزیون و یخچال به قدری در چین ارزان شد که تا سال نود ، در هر خانه ای پیدا می شد .
همین طور چین به رهبری شیائوپینگ برای سالیان سال دارای رشد اقتصادی نزدیک به 10% شد . تخمین می زنند که نزدیک به نیم میلیارد چینی در زمان آقای پینگ از خط فقر خارج شده اند و چین امروزی عملا دنباله رو سیاست های آقای پینگ است . اما در همین زمان آقای پینگ است که دانشجویان به دنبال آزادی سیاسی در میدان تیان آن من جمع شدند و آقای پینگ با همان قاطعیت در اجرای اصلاحات و پس از چند بار دادن فرصت برای خالی کردن میدان ، دستور سرکوب جنبش دانشجویی را داد و تعداد نا معلومی تلفات روی دست ملت گذاشت . در پایان برای من این سوال پیش آمد که آقای پینگ را چه گونه باید قضاوت کرد ؟ آیا این که جان میلیون ها چینی را نجات داد و کشور را در مسیر توسعه قرار داد تصویری درست از ایشان است یا این که دستور سرکوب تیان آن من را داد ؟
شاید هم نباید قضاوتی انجام داد و ایشان را به شکل مجموعه ای از خصوصیات مثبت غالب و کمی هم صفات منفی پذیرفت . اما نکته نسبتا آموزنده ای هم برای مخاطب ایرانی دارد . این که در انجام اصلاحات باید بی نهایت جدی بود و با گذاشتن پا روی پا و گفتن جمله تّکرار می کنم جلوی دوربین ، می توان یک آدم با مزه یا دلقک بود ولی اصلاح طلب ؟؟ قطعا نه !
May 16, 2021
This was a very extensive and lengthy account of Deng Xiaoping's transformation of the Peoples' Republic of China. It was full of details and well researched yet was very readable and not boring. This typical biography follows the Paramount Leader from his humble beginnings to his death at 92 years old. The author outlines how his policies (both domestic and international) set the stage for China's success. Under Deng the country outgrew its backwardness and transformed into a major player on the world market.
An interesting subchapter explains the Chinese and Soviet Reforms: A Comparison from pages 473-76 and helps demonstrate why Deng was instrumental in keeping China alive while the USSR and communist Eastern Europe crumbled.
Another very interesting chapter ( pages 477-522) for me was Chapter 17: "One Country, Two Systems: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Tibet". This chapter focused on the diplomatic, political, and economic interactions with the three aforementioned geopolitical entities under Deng in the 1970s, 1980s, and into the 1990s.
I really enjoyed this not-boring book and learned quite a good deal. I would recommend it to anyone interested in modern Chinese politics. Thanks!
An interesting subchapter explains the Chinese and Soviet Reforms: A Comparison from pages 473-76 and helps demonstrate why Deng was instrumental in keeping China alive while the USSR and communist Eastern Europe crumbled.
Another very interesting chapter ( pages 477-522) for me was Chapter 17: "One Country, Two Systems: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Tibet". This chapter focused on the diplomatic, political, and economic interactions with the three aforementioned geopolitical entities under Deng in the 1970s, 1980s, and into the 1990s.
I really enjoyed this not-boring book and learned quite a good deal. I would recommend it to anyone interested in modern Chinese politics. Thanks!
February 25, 2012
No country underwent greater changes in the second half of the twentieth century than China and no man was more responsible for these changes than the subject of this incredible biography. Deng Xiaoping - the architect of modern China - received both the respect and the criticism that he deserved in Vogel's well-researched book. The author skillfully tied the ups and downs of Deng's personal life with those of the country that Deng so deeply loved and by doing so, crafted a piece of work that is both academic and accessible, both objective and heartfelt.
This is a thorough examination not only on Deng Xiaoping the man, but also on the many turning points in China's recent history, for which Deng was often responsible (the reform and opening policy, the normalization of relationships with the U.S. and the Soviet Union, the war with Vietnam, the return of Hong Kong, the estrangement between the Communist Party and Dalai Lama, the tragedy on Tiananmen Square, etc.). As a person, Deng was warm yet guarded. As a leader, Deng was progressive yet restrained. As a spokesperson for China, Deng was witty yet manipulative. The book portraits Deng as a paramount leader whose virtues and flaws are equally visible and whose influence is unparalleled - a portrait that is most likely not very far away from the truth.
There are nevertheless some minor issues I have with the book. Vogel chose not to follow a strictly chronological order when recounting Deng's life story, but instead structured the book based on the nature of Deng's various policies. While this approach certainly helps the readers connect the dots between different periods of Deng's life, it occasionally becomes confusing especially since so many events and characters are involved. There were also some translation errors that I have noticed, the most egregious being when Vogel tried to explain the significance of Hua Guofeng's adopted name. Vogel claimed that it means "Chinese vanguard against the Japanese". However, "Hua" means China, "Guo" means nation, "Feng" means vanguard. How Vogel managed to see "Japanese" in these three characters is a mystery beyond my comprehension. But if one could look past these minor mistakes, one would certainly have an enjoyable read.
This is a thorough examination not only on Deng Xiaoping the man, but also on the many turning points in China's recent history, for which Deng was often responsible (the reform and opening policy, the normalization of relationships with the U.S. and the Soviet Union, the war with Vietnam, the return of Hong Kong, the estrangement between the Communist Party and Dalai Lama, the tragedy on Tiananmen Square, etc.). As a person, Deng was warm yet guarded. As a leader, Deng was progressive yet restrained. As a spokesperson for China, Deng was witty yet manipulative. The book portraits Deng as a paramount leader whose virtues and flaws are equally visible and whose influence is unparalleled - a portrait that is most likely not very far away from the truth.
There are nevertheless some minor issues I have with the book. Vogel chose not to follow a strictly chronological order when recounting Deng's life story, but instead structured the book based on the nature of Deng's various policies. While this approach certainly helps the readers connect the dots between different periods of Deng's life, it occasionally becomes confusing especially since so many events and characters are involved. There were also some translation errors that I have noticed, the most egregious being when Vogel tried to explain the significance of Hua Guofeng's adopted name. Vogel claimed that it means "Chinese vanguard against the Japanese". However, "Hua" means China, "Guo" means nation, "Feng" means vanguard. How Vogel managed to see "Japanese" in these three characters is a mystery beyond my comprehension. But if one could look past these minor mistakes, one would certainly have an enjoyable read.
June 20, 2017
Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, by Ezra Vogel, is a fabulously written biography of one of modern China's most well regarded politicians. Deng Xiaoping was a fascinating character, who put the framework in place that China has used to modernize and bring millions of people out of poverty. He redesigned China's political landscape, radically altered its Marxist economy and put the necessary reforms in place to put China on the path to its current position in the world. Even so, his tenure in politics is not without controversy. He spent decades under Mao loyally towing the party line, took part in purges, and was responsible for purges of his own, including the notorious Tiananmen Square crackdown of 1989. Vogel has written an authoritative biography, chronicling the ups and downs of Deng Xiaoping with a neutral tone, fantastic sourcing and research, and intricate depth and detail often uncommon in a biography.
Deng Xiaoping was born in 1904 in Sichuan province, then under the control of China's final Imperial dynasty, the Qing. The Qing Dynasty collapsed in 1911, and China was thrown into turmoil as warlords competed for power and influence in the nation. The Republic of China (ROC), founded in 1912, was hard pressed to create stability in a nation in such turmoil. During this period, Deng Xiaoping grew up in Sichuan, and eventually went to Paris, France with an exchange program for Chinese youth. In Paris, Deng joined a Communist youth league, and became a devout Marxist. He engaged in political activity in France, and eventually fled to the Soviet Union, where he received. further education. He returned to China in 1927 and worked with a warlord who was supported by the Soviets. He became knowledgeable in military tactics through campaigns against the Kuomintang (KMT, or Nationalist Forces), and aided urban workers uprisings against the ROC. His forces were eventually defeated, and he fled to Jiangxi to join up with Communist forces. Deng's military skills were when the Japanese invaded China in the run up to World War II. Deng originally supported the unity government of Communist-Nationalist forces against the Japanese, and after the war ended, continued the struggle against KMT forces. Deng eventually ended up commanding the 2nd Field Army, and was instrumental in assisting Communist forces in succeeding in 1949. Thus the modern regime in China was formed.
Deng began his political life as a mayor of Chongqing, but by 1952 he was a rising star in Beijing. He held posts as Minister of Finance, Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC), and numerous other important posts. He became known as an excellent reformer, helping to stabilize the Chinese economy in the 1960's, and was also a well respected diplomat, as he was instrumental in negotiating an opening of relations with the United States, and was critical of the Soviets during the Sino-Soviet split. Mao had high hopes for Xiaoping, but as with many rising stars, Deng Xiaoping ended up being purged by Mao. The Chinese Chairman was nervous about the reformist faction in China gaining too much power, and ultimately, would end up purging Deng multiple times - in one such purge during the Cultural Revolution in the 1970's, Deng's son was thrown from a University tower by radical Red Guards, and crippled for life.
It seems unlikely that, after Mao's death in 1976, the 72 year old Deng Xiaoping would re-emerge as a prominent politician in China. Mao had handpicked Hua Guofeng as his successor, and Hua was similarly reform minded as Deng, while also being more well-liked by the radical Mao faction in the Chinese Communist Party. Hua ended up purging the radical elements of the Party, having the notorious Gang of Four arrested, and began to tentatively offer reforms while trying to maintain the cult status of Mao Zedong. However, many Party veterans who had been mistreated under Mao, would have none of it, and Deng, as a party veteran and well regarded reformer, quickly marginalized Hua and took power informally. He never held the highest title in China, but his word became law in 1977.
This is where Vogel's book really begins to shine. Most of this large biography is dedicated to the many reforms Deng instigated during his 15 year rule. Deng began to encourage market reforms from the bottom up, rescinding the collectivization of previous decades, allowing local corporations to begin operations, developing industry and ultimately encouraging and export-focused economy. His task of modernizing China was immense, and many hurdles remained. Deng began by reforming China's education system to encourage technical knowledge over political doctrine. He sent politicians and industrialists abroad to Japan, the US and Europe both to learn new techniques for management and organization, as well as to open the eyes of China's Party to just how far China had fallen behind. Deng also had to balance the competing forces of rapid modernization with slow growth. Both sides had valid arguments, but Deng worried that growth too rapid would encourage inflation, corruption and an erosion of Chinese stability. Slow reformers, on the other hand, espoused more traditional party doctrine, and were often hostile to reforms.
Deng was also faced with a bloated and inefficient military at a time when Vietnamese and Soviet forces in south-east Asia were threatening Chinese interests in the region. This led to a rapid strike on Vietnam, a la the Indian border conflict, to teach the Soviets and Vietnamese that China was not to be tampered with. Although Chinese forces performed poorly during the war, Deng used this as a pretext to retire a number of Chinese officers from the bloated military structure, and focus on improving equipment and organizational structure. The excess savings from cutting back on military spending also allowed Deng to shift more money into developing the economy.
During this period, China's economy began to flourish. Market led reforms and a rationalization of government organizational structures and management practices encouraged rapid growth at the Industrial level. Chinese GDP doubled multiple times under Deng, and would skyrocket toward the new millennium. This was because Deng focused on training new managers and bureaucrats, supported Chinese technical advancement, and re-focused the Chinese economy on manufacturing and processing. China received technical aid from Japan in a big way, and also looked to the United States - then on friendly terms with China, to offer new ideas in management, labour organization, engineering and R&D. China began to develop its transportation systems, encourage market-led initiatives to promote economic growth, and opened up the system to greater economic freedoms for ordinary citizens. He did not go too far, however. Deng was hostile to democratization, feeling it would be too soon to allow China to become a democracy, and instead focused on guided capitalism to grow the economy. Special Economic Zones (SEZ)'s were created first in Guangzhou, to compete with Hong Kong, and then in Shanghai and numerous other areas. These SEZ's were allowed to step away from party doctrine and experiment with new economic and political techniques to both encourage growth and develop tools and techniques for the rest of China.
Deng also focused on integrating peripheral regions of China. Although he never saw Hong Kong returned to China after its 99 year lease to the United Kingdom came to pass, he was instrumental in negotiating the terms of its return, and developed the One Nation, Two Systems principle to stabilize its return. Hong Kong was (and remains) an important hub for trade, finance and high tech industry, and Deng promised Hong Kong's systems, including its free press, local democratic organization, and free-market system would remain for 50 years. This Two Systems principle was also directed at Taiwan. Deng made great efforts to try and see Taiwan returned to China, and China's friendly relations with the US were encouraging. China was able to negotiate down the US commitment to Taiwan marginally, but ultimately Deng was unable to see Taiwan merged with the mainland - a situation that remains to this day. The other major area of concern was Tibet. Tibet was, and remains, a controversial part of China, as its cultural history is quite different from that of China. Tibet has been restive under Chinese rule, and its people adept at gaining sympathy from Western press. This made Tibet difficult to control. Deng sought to encourage respect for local customs, but also encouraged rapid development in Tibet to try and encourage stronger ties between Tibet and China. These systems did help develop Tibet, but the results were mixed, as Tibet remains restive and hostile to Chinese rule.
Deng was also a key participant in the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989. This was a time of turmoil in Asia, as the President-come Dictator of Philippines, Marcos, was overthrown by popular protest. This incident had a resounding impact in both China and Taiwan, both authoritative at the time. Chinese students demonstrated in favour of political reform and democratic transition. This movement for rapid reform was too much for even the reform-minded Deng, and a crackdown was authorized. This led to over 200 deaths, as Chinese PLA forces and police units moved in to the Square and forcefully cleared it. Deng had previously enacted two crackdowns in the early 1980's as well, both against vocal critiques of the PRC.
Deng Xiaoping is one of China's great politicians. Reform-minded, determined and possessing an intense passion for his nation, Deng led China through a difficult period of transition as China emerged from its dark years and began to motor down the road to reform. China's economy has skyrocketed in recent decades, with millions of people brought out of grinding poverty. Although China remains controversial in many ways, not least its working conditions, it has still made leaps and bounds both economically and politically. Deng created the framework for these reforms, and pushed China in new directions. Although not free of controversy, and supportive of authoritarian systems, Deng is still widely respected as China's great Reformer, and his reputation is well deserved. Vogel has written the definitive biography of Deng Xiaoping. It is neither glowing, nor overly critical, and instead focuses solely on facts and results. Vogel's biography is extremely easy to read, fascinating, well sourced and full of incredible detail. This biography is easily recommended for those hoping to learn more about one of China's greatest politicians, as well as those interested in modern Chinese politics. This is the best biography on Deng Xiaoping around, and I could certainly recommend it to anyone looking for an excellent and in-depth read.
Deng Xiaoping was born in 1904 in Sichuan province, then under the control of China's final Imperial dynasty, the Qing. The Qing Dynasty collapsed in 1911, and China was thrown into turmoil as warlords competed for power and influence in the nation. The Republic of China (ROC), founded in 1912, was hard pressed to create stability in a nation in such turmoil. During this period, Deng Xiaoping grew up in Sichuan, and eventually went to Paris, France with an exchange program for Chinese youth. In Paris, Deng joined a Communist youth league, and became a devout Marxist. He engaged in political activity in France, and eventually fled to the Soviet Union, where he received. further education. He returned to China in 1927 and worked with a warlord who was supported by the Soviets. He became knowledgeable in military tactics through campaigns against the Kuomintang (KMT, or Nationalist Forces), and aided urban workers uprisings against the ROC. His forces were eventually defeated, and he fled to Jiangxi to join up with Communist forces. Deng's military skills were when the Japanese invaded China in the run up to World War II. Deng originally supported the unity government of Communist-Nationalist forces against the Japanese, and after the war ended, continued the struggle against KMT forces. Deng eventually ended up commanding the 2nd Field Army, and was instrumental in assisting Communist forces in succeeding in 1949. Thus the modern regime in China was formed.
Deng began his political life as a mayor of Chongqing, but by 1952 he was a rising star in Beijing. He held posts as Minister of Finance, Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC), and numerous other important posts. He became known as an excellent reformer, helping to stabilize the Chinese economy in the 1960's, and was also a well respected diplomat, as he was instrumental in negotiating an opening of relations with the United States, and was critical of the Soviets during the Sino-Soviet split. Mao had high hopes for Xiaoping, but as with many rising stars, Deng Xiaoping ended up being purged by Mao. The Chinese Chairman was nervous about the reformist faction in China gaining too much power, and ultimately, would end up purging Deng multiple times - in one such purge during the Cultural Revolution in the 1970's, Deng's son was thrown from a University tower by radical Red Guards, and crippled for life.
It seems unlikely that, after Mao's death in 1976, the 72 year old Deng Xiaoping would re-emerge as a prominent politician in China. Mao had handpicked Hua Guofeng as his successor, and Hua was similarly reform minded as Deng, while also being more well-liked by the radical Mao faction in the Chinese Communist Party. Hua ended up purging the radical elements of the Party, having the notorious Gang of Four arrested, and began to tentatively offer reforms while trying to maintain the cult status of Mao Zedong. However, many Party veterans who had been mistreated under Mao, would have none of it, and Deng, as a party veteran and well regarded reformer, quickly marginalized Hua and took power informally. He never held the highest title in China, but his word became law in 1977.
This is where Vogel's book really begins to shine. Most of this large biography is dedicated to the many reforms Deng instigated during his 15 year rule. Deng began to encourage market reforms from the bottom up, rescinding the collectivization of previous decades, allowing local corporations to begin operations, developing industry and ultimately encouraging and export-focused economy. His task of modernizing China was immense, and many hurdles remained. Deng began by reforming China's education system to encourage technical knowledge over political doctrine. He sent politicians and industrialists abroad to Japan, the US and Europe both to learn new techniques for management and organization, as well as to open the eyes of China's Party to just how far China had fallen behind. Deng also had to balance the competing forces of rapid modernization with slow growth. Both sides had valid arguments, but Deng worried that growth too rapid would encourage inflation, corruption and an erosion of Chinese stability. Slow reformers, on the other hand, espoused more traditional party doctrine, and were often hostile to reforms.
Deng was also faced with a bloated and inefficient military at a time when Vietnamese and Soviet forces in south-east Asia were threatening Chinese interests in the region. This led to a rapid strike on Vietnam, a la the Indian border conflict, to teach the Soviets and Vietnamese that China was not to be tampered with. Although Chinese forces performed poorly during the war, Deng used this as a pretext to retire a number of Chinese officers from the bloated military structure, and focus on improving equipment and organizational structure. The excess savings from cutting back on military spending also allowed Deng to shift more money into developing the economy.
During this period, China's economy began to flourish. Market led reforms and a rationalization of government organizational structures and management practices encouraged rapid growth at the Industrial level. Chinese GDP doubled multiple times under Deng, and would skyrocket toward the new millennium. This was because Deng focused on training new managers and bureaucrats, supported Chinese technical advancement, and re-focused the Chinese economy on manufacturing and processing. China received technical aid from Japan in a big way, and also looked to the United States - then on friendly terms with China, to offer new ideas in management, labour organization, engineering and R&D. China began to develop its transportation systems, encourage market-led initiatives to promote economic growth, and opened up the system to greater economic freedoms for ordinary citizens. He did not go too far, however. Deng was hostile to democratization, feeling it would be too soon to allow China to become a democracy, and instead focused on guided capitalism to grow the economy. Special Economic Zones (SEZ)'s were created first in Guangzhou, to compete with Hong Kong, and then in Shanghai and numerous other areas. These SEZ's were allowed to step away from party doctrine and experiment with new economic and political techniques to both encourage growth and develop tools and techniques for the rest of China.
Deng also focused on integrating peripheral regions of China. Although he never saw Hong Kong returned to China after its 99 year lease to the United Kingdom came to pass, he was instrumental in negotiating the terms of its return, and developed the One Nation, Two Systems principle to stabilize its return. Hong Kong was (and remains) an important hub for trade, finance and high tech industry, and Deng promised Hong Kong's systems, including its free press, local democratic organization, and free-market system would remain for 50 years. This Two Systems principle was also directed at Taiwan. Deng made great efforts to try and see Taiwan returned to China, and China's friendly relations with the US were encouraging. China was able to negotiate down the US commitment to Taiwan marginally, but ultimately Deng was unable to see Taiwan merged with the mainland - a situation that remains to this day. The other major area of concern was Tibet. Tibet was, and remains, a controversial part of China, as its cultural history is quite different from that of China. Tibet has been restive under Chinese rule, and its people adept at gaining sympathy from Western press. This made Tibet difficult to control. Deng sought to encourage respect for local customs, but also encouraged rapid development in Tibet to try and encourage stronger ties between Tibet and China. These systems did help develop Tibet, but the results were mixed, as Tibet remains restive and hostile to Chinese rule.
Deng was also a key participant in the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989. This was a time of turmoil in Asia, as the President-come Dictator of Philippines, Marcos, was overthrown by popular protest. This incident had a resounding impact in both China and Taiwan, both authoritative at the time. Chinese students demonstrated in favour of political reform and democratic transition. This movement for rapid reform was too much for even the reform-minded Deng, and a crackdown was authorized. This led to over 200 deaths, as Chinese PLA forces and police units moved in to the Square and forcefully cleared it. Deng had previously enacted two crackdowns in the early 1980's as well, both against vocal critiques of the PRC.
Deng Xiaoping is one of China's great politicians. Reform-minded, determined and possessing an intense passion for his nation, Deng led China through a difficult period of transition as China emerged from its dark years and began to motor down the road to reform. China's economy has skyrocketed in recent decades, with millions of people brought out of grinding poverty. Although China remains controversial in many ways, not least its working conditions, it has still made leaps and bounds both economically and politically. Deng created the framework for these reforms, and pushed China in new directions. Although not free of controversy, and supportive of authoritarian systems, Deng is still widely respected as China's great Reformer, and his reputation is well deserved. Vogel has written the definitive biography of Deng Xiaoping. It is neither glowing, nor overly critical, and instead focuses solely on facts and results. Vogel's biography is extremely easy to read, fascinating, well sourced and full of incredible detail. This biography is easily recommended for those hoping to learn more about one of China's greatest politicians, as well as those interested in modern Chinese politics. This is the best biography on Deng Xiaoping around, and I could certainly recommend it to anyone looking for an excellent and in-depth read.
June 3, 2014
It wasn't a easy read. Not because the writer was not talented. In contrast this book provided a fascinating account of Deng's life.
The event leading up to the tragic Tiananmen square was covered in details. The things I learned about Deng from this book: He doesn't like to talk, he's short, he was a oversea student in France, he suffered three purges under Mao, one of his sons was crippled due to Cultural revolution.
Deng was a ultimate political survivor. What ultimate helped Deng was Mao believed Deng was loyal to him because of an episode during the civil war struggle against Nationalist regime. When Deng took over the country was in ruin because of Cultural Revolution. Deng quickly pushed aside Hua Guofeng and was established as the paramount leader.
He wasn't concern with formal expression of power rather then with informal accumulation of power. Deng never hold high position in the State. His power was derived from being the chairman of Central Military Commission.
Throughout his career, Deng was known as a good diplomat. Nixon had good impression of him. Deng also forged close tie with Bush Sr. Deng negotiated the return of Hong Kong. He was widely popular early in his regime. His pursue of economics reform ultimately to inflation which caused the student uprising. The crushing of student uprising tarnished his reputation.
Overall, his economics reform improved quality of life of billion of Chinese but it also led to widespread political corruption that is still plaguing China's current government.
The event leading up to the tragic Tiananmen square was covered in details. The things I learned about Deng from this book: He doesn't like to talk, he's short, he was a oversea student in France, he suffered three purges under Mao, one of his sons was crippled due to Cultural revolution.
Deng was a ultimate political survivor. What ultimate helped Deng was Mao believed Deng was loyal to him because of an episode during the civil war struggle against Nationalist regime. When Deng took over the country was in ruin because of Cultural Revolution. Deng quickly pushed aside Hua Guofeng and was established as the paramount leader.
He wasn't concern with formal expression of power rather then with informal accumulation of power. Deng never hold high position in the State. His power was derived from being the chairman of Central Military Commission.
Throughout his career, Deng was known as a good diplomat. Nixon had good impression of him. Deng also forged close tie with Bush Sr. Deng negotiated the return of Hong Kong. He was widely popular early in his regime. His pursue of economics reform ultimately to inflation which caused the student uprising. The crushing of student uprising tarnished his reputation.
Overall, his economics reform improved quality of life of billion of Chinese but it also led to widespread political corruption that is still plaguing China's current government.
October 25, 2014
If you are going to read one book about modern China, this is the one. Here's why:
1) To understand China nowadays, one must understand Deng Xiaoping. Perhaps, this is the only book in the market with such detailed account (around 900 pages) of how/ why China was transformed (both in a good and bad way) under Deng’s leadership. However, those who are looking for untold stories of Deng will be disappointed.
2) Most western-authored books about China have their underlying question of “China – what’s it in for us” while this book is a rare exception that focuses only on the well-researched facts.
3) This book about China has beaten Henry Kissinger’s title “On China” on the Lionel Gelber Prize in 2012.
Some may find Ezar over-sympathetic towards Deng, after all, under western eyes - Deng will always be remembered as a villain who was against democracy. For instance, Fang Lizhi criticized the book as “systemcatic nonconsideration of human rights” which most Deng’s critics will draw the same conclusion. From my point of view - this book does not intend to tell us what is right or wrong, it simply presents all the facts and views from different observers. Its objectiveness makes it one of my favorite books I’ve read so far.
1) To understand China nowadays, one must understand Deng Xiaoping. Perhaps, this is the only book in the market with such detailed account (around 900 pages) of how/ why China was transformed (both in a good and bad way) under Deng’s leadership. However, those who are looking for untold stories of Deng will be disappointed.
2) Most western-authored books about China have their underlying question of “China – what’s it in for us” while this book is a rare exception that focuses only on the well-researched facts.
3) This book about China has beaten Henry Kissinger’s title “On China” on the Lionel Gelber Prize in 2012.
Some may find Ezar over-sympathetic towards Deng, after all, under western eyes - Deng will always be remembered as a villain who was against democracy. For instance, Fang Lizhi criticized the book as “systemcatic nonconsideration of human rights” which most Deng’s critics will draw the same conclusion. From my point of view - this book does not intend to tell us what is right or wrong, it simply presents all the facts and views from different observers. Its objectiveness makes it one of my favorite books I’ve read so far.
May 12, 2019
When considering the modern history of China and to understand the current, modern China, we need not look at Mao Zedong, but at Deng Xiaoping, the architect of modern China. To understand China is to understand Deng Xiaoping.
In his book, Ezra Vogel gives a detailed account of the life of Deng Xiaoping. He starts with his early life, how he became a communist, his rise and downfalls during Mao Zedong and ultimately his rise after the death of Mao Zedong and the transformation of Mao's Chiona to the China we now know today.
By the time Deng came to power, Mao had already unified the country, built a strong ruling structure and introduced modern industry - advantages that Deng could build on. However, he had left the country devastated after the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. More fundamental change was called for, and Deng could rely on help from disgraced former senior officials who had been removed from power but not eliminated. These returning revolutionaries stood ready to unite under the leadership of Deng and the Communist Party, providing a ready resource of skills and energy, a useful transition to a new generation better trained in modern science, technology, and administration.
Yet all the favorable conditions that China enjoyed in 1978 would have been insufficient to transform the huge, chaotic civilization into a modern nation without a strong and able leader who could hold the country together while providing strategic direction. Deng was far better prepared for such a role than Yuan Shikai, Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai-shek, or Mao Zedong had been. It was he who would finally realize the mission that others had tried for almost two centuries to achieve, of finding a path that would make China rich and powerful.
Deng Xiaoping was born in 1904 in Paifang, Guang'an county, Sichuan. His schooling was - quite remarkable for that time - done in France. In France, Deng discovered the West, Marxism, the world of work, the organizational work of the party, the place of China, social and regional diversity, and his place in the world. His experiences would prove usefull in time to come.
In 1927, after the split between the Communists and the Kwomintang, he went back to China as a hardened communist where he met - for the first time - Mao Zedong. From that moment on, the two men would become entangled in a love - hate relationship. Three times Mao removed Deng from the political stage, but after each removal Deng was able to come back.
During the Sino - Japanese war, Deng Xiaoping was made first secretary of the Southwest Bureau, representing the last of the six major regions, with its population of 100 million, to come under Communist control. Deng was to remain in this position until 1952, when major regional leaders, and their responsibilities, were transferred to Beijing. In 1952, when regional leaders were transferred to the central government that now ruled the country, Deng was appointed vice premier in the central government.
During the Great Leap Forward, Deng, like many other party loyalists, aware of Mao's unwillingness to tolerate dissent during the Great Leap Forward, restrained himself from criticizing Mao. But the disasters of the Great Leap Forward had widened the gap between the unreconstructed romantic visionary and the pragmatic implementations.
During the Cultural Revolution, Deng was banished to the country side, which he used to consider directions he would pursue to achieve reform. From now on, the question for Deng became not only how to work with Mao while he was still alive—since as long as Mao was alive, Mao would still dominate—but also how to maximize any decision-making leeway that Mao might tolerate. He knew that time for change would only come after Mao would die.
After Mao's death, Deng became de facto leader of China. However, Deng reassured his colleagues, who were aware of his differences with Mao, that he would not become China's Khrushchev: Chairman Mao had made extraordinary contributions to the party and the party should not launch an attack on Mao like Khrushchev's attack on Stalin. Instead, they should focus on the modernization of the economy. The main question for Deng was how much could the boundaries of freedom be expanded without risking that Chinese society would devolve into chaos, as it had before 1949 and during the Cultural Revolution? This question remained a central and divisive one throughout Deng's years of rule.
In the events leading up to the Tienanmen Square tragedy, Deng showed that he still believed in the Communist Party. Economic progress was achieved, but limits on the freedom had to be set. It was Deng (behind the scenes) who ordered the crack down on the square in 1989.
This books gives a detailed overview of Deng's life, politics and thoughts. For anyone who wants to understand modern China, this book is highly recommended.
In his book, Ezra Vogel gives a detailed account of the life of Deng Xiaoping. He starts with his early life, how he became a communist, his rise and downfalls during Mao Zedong and ultimately his rise after the death of Mao Zedong and the transformation of Mao's Chiona to the China we now know today.
By the time Deng came to power, Mao had already unified the country, built a strong ruling structure and introduced modern industry - advantages that Deng could build on. However, he had left the country devastated after the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. More fundamental change was called for, and Deng could rely on help from disgraced former senior officials who had been removed from power but not eliminated. These returning revolutionaries stood ready to unite under the leadership of Deng and the Communist Party, providing a ready resource of skills and energy, a useful transition to a new generation better trained in modern science, technology, and administration.
Yet all the favorable conditions that China enjoyed in 1978 would have been insufficient to transform the huge, chaotic civilization into a modern nation without a strong and able leader who could hold the country together while providing strategic direction. Deng was far better prepared for such a role than Yuan Shikai, Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai-shek, or Mao Zedong had been. It was he who would finally realize the mission that others had tried for almost two centuries to achieve, of finding a path that would make China rich and powerful.
Deng Xiaoping was born in 1904 in Paifang, Guang'an county, Sichuan. His schooling was - quite remarkable for that time - done in France. In France, Deng discovered the West, Marxism, the world of work, the organizational work of the party, the place of China, social and regional diversity, and his place in the world. His experiences would prove usefull in time to come.
In 1927, after the split between the Communists and the Kwomintang, he went back to China as a hardened communist where he met - for the first time - Mao Zedong. From that moment on, the two men would become entangled in a love - hate relationship. Three times Mao removed Deng from the political stage, but after each removal Deng was able to come back.
During the Sino - Japanese war, Deng Xiaoping was made first secretary of the Southwest Bureau, representing the last of the six major regions, with its population of 100 million, to come under Communist control. Deng was to remain in this position until 1952, when major regional leaders, and their responsibilities, were transferred to Beijing. In 1952, when regional leaders were transferred to the central government that now ruled the country, Deng was appointed vice premier in the central government.
During the Great Leap Forward, Deng, like many other party loyalists, aware of Mao's unwillingness to tolerate dissent during the Great Leap Forward, restrained himself from criticizing Mao. But the disasters of the Great Leap Forward had widened the gap between the unreconstructed romantic visionary and the pragmatic implementations.
During the Cultural Revolution, Deng was banished to the country side, which he used to consider directions he would pursue to achieve reform. From now on, the question for Deng became not only how to work with Mao while he was still alive—since as long as Mao was alive, Mao would still dominate—but also how to maximize any decision-making leeway that Mao might tolerate. He knew that time for change would only come after Mao would die.
After Mao's death, Deng became de facto leader of China. However, Deng reassured his colleagues, who were aware of his differences with Mao, that he would not become China's Khrushchev: Chairman Mao had made extraordinary contributions to the party and the party should not launch an attack on Mao like Khrushchev's attack on Stalin. Instead, they should focus on the modernization of the economy. The main question for Deng was how much could the boundaries of freedom be expanded without risking that Chinese society would devolve into chaos, as it had before 1949 and during the Cultural Revolution? This question remained a central and divisive one throughout Deng's years of rule.
In the events leading up to the Tienanmen Square tragedy, Deng showed that he still believed in the Communist Party. Economic progress was achieved, but limits on the freedom had to be set. It was Deng (behind the scenes) who ordered the crack down on the square in 1989.
This books gives a detailed overview of Deng's life, politics and thoughts. For anyone who wants to understand modern China, this book is highly recommended.
March 29, 2022
دنگ بدون شک یکی از تاثیرگذارترین شخصیتهای چینِ کمونیست پس از مرگ مائو بود. میراث مائو بعد از ۲۷سال حکومت یک کشور فقیر و منزوی، میلیونها کشته و دهها هزار مورد آزار و شکنجه بود. فوگل به تفصیل روایت میکند که چگونه دنگ علیرغم مقاومت تندروهای درون حزبی، اصلاحات رو در چندین حوزه ادامه داده از جمله علم و آموزش چون بعد از انقلاب فرهنگی مائو خیلی از روشنفکران و دانشجوها رو به روستا برای کار در مزارع انتقال داد و هیچ نیروی آموزش دیده ومتخصصی وجود نداشت، دنگ ابتدا دانشجوهای زیادی رو به آمریکا فرستاد و بعد شایسته سالاری و تحصیلات دانشگاهی رو الویت قرار داد. در عرصه روابط بین الملل هم تحول غیرقابل تصوری ایجاد کرد، مثل روابط با دشمنان سرسختی مثل روسیه و ژاپن، تلاش زیاد برای ادغام تایوان که موفق نشد، دستیابی به صلح و ثبات در تبت و ادغام مجدد هنگ کنگ.چین تحت رهبری دنگ واقعاً به جامعه جهانی پیوست و به بخشی فعال از سازمانهای بین المللی و سیستم تجارت جهانی و مالی شد. دنگ گام های بلندی در اقتصاد، علم و فناوری، صن��ت، کشاورزی، و نظم دادن به ارتش برداشت. دنگ با اینکه به شدت با رادیکالیسم انقلابی مائو مخالف بود و با تشویق اصلاحطلبان سرسخت در حزب مانند هو یائوبانگ و ژائو زیانگ به اصلاحات ادامه داد. ولی قتل عام اعتراضات دانشجویی میدان تیانانمن در سال ۱۹۸۹ ثابت کرد که دنگ حزب کمونیست رو بهترین نظام برای پیشرفت چین میدونه و هر چیزی که باعث خلل و تهدید حزب بشه رو از بین میبره.
در مجموع کتاب با جزییات مفصل نه فقط زندگی دنگ شیائوپینگ بلکه تاریخ کلی چین و شخصیتهای تاثیرگذاری که کمتر ازشون اسم برده شده رو بررسی میکنه و بهترین انتخاب برای آشنا شدن با تاریخ چین خواهد بود.
در مجموع کتاب با جزییات مفصل نه فقط زندگی دنگ شیائوپینگ بلکه تاریخ کلی چین و شخصیتهای تاثیرگذاری که کمتر ازشون اسم برده شده رو بررسی میکنه و بهترین انتخاب برای آشنا شدن با تاریخ چین خواهد بود.
March 25, 2013
Tremendously insightful bio of probably the most important figure of the 20th century in terms of long term impact: Den Xiaoping. Very little about him is part of common knowledge outside China and this a great detailed account of his early life but with most detail devoted to the late Mao era and then his surprising take over of China and his profound strategic redirection of its whole future course. Incredibly well researched and a compelling narrative with lots of analytical insight as to why what he did was possible when he tried it. A lot of insights in the nature of the Communist Party of China and many for the future, though few in the current leadership in China seem to have his strategic wisdom and combination of caution and boldness....
February 22, 2015
This is probably the longest book I've ever read, but recommend it to anyone that wants to learn more about China, or who has a general interest in history or business. Personally, it has given me a lens through which I can better interpret modern China.
It paints a balanced and nuanced picture of modern Chinese history, and is a story of extreme pragmatism, making difficult decisions, and masterful political navigation both domestically and internationally.
At a macro level, I think business and politics are very similar. Both involve organizing people around certain goals, and at its core, it's always about people. Therefore, lessons from the political sphere are often applicable in business.
It paints a balanced and nuanced picture of modern Chinese history, and is a story of extreme pragmatism, making difficult decisions, and masterful political navigation both domestically and internationally.
At a macro level, I think business and politics are very similar. Both involve organizing people around certain goals, and at its core, it's always about people. Therefore, lessons from the political sphere are often applicable in business.
August 9, 2015
A wonderful biography of Deng Xiaoping. There is more emphasis on the later as opposed to earlier years of his life. He was a survivor, having been purged twice by Chairman Mao Zedong. But Mao was not to be finished with Deng--keeping him on the backburner in case he needed his skills later on.
The book provides background for his ultimate leadership of China. Deng was "taken down" during the Cultural Revolution, an enormous upheaval of Chinese society orchestrated by Mao. Deng and his family were essentially "exiled." When the time came for Mao to recall him and address excesses of the Cultural Revolution, Deng was slowly put back into harness for a short period of time. The time came when, again, Mao began to distrust Deng and even put the cold shoulder to Zhou Enlai, Mao's long time lieutenant. After a brief exile, Deng was again readmitted into a leadership role.
The book then goes on to outline how, through political acumen and skills at coalition building, slowly became the # 1 leader, leaving Mao's successor out of power. The book has several areas where it explores Deng's career as leader. His role in upgrading the state of science and education is one focal point. There is a nice discussion of his reaching out to other countries to bring China up to speed in modernizing its economy, its military, and so on. The book also considers economic his economic policies, as Deng tried to jump start China's economy, based on fairly rapid growth (with the risk of inflation). His tactics to do this are described well. There is also discussion of his role in the military. He knew that the army was too large, too many senior officers had outlived their usefulness, and the war technology was not up to modern armies. How he was able to make progress in these (and other) sectors is fascinating.
The book also addresses what appear to be some difficult choices that suggest some problematic decision making by Deng. His invasion of Vietnam is portrayed by Deng as a major factor in addressing Vietnam's aggressiveness. I think that the book's author might have had a somewhat more critical take on this event. Too, there is Deng's decision to bring the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to Beijing to put down the Tienanmen Square protests.
After his retirement, his successors became, in Deng's mind, too cautious with the economy. There is a fascinating tale told of how he used his political skills to get China on a pathway toward more rapid growth. It shows Deng as a wily political figure, who even in his eighties could bend events toward his desires.
All in all, a detailed biography, overall well done, of one of the most important figures in the late 20th century. The book might have been even better with a more critical assessment of Deng's work at some points. Still and all, an important work.
The book provides background for his ultimate leadership of China. Deng was "taken down" during the Cultural Revolution, an enormous upheaval of Chinese society orchestrated by Mao. Deng and his family were essentially "exiled." When the time came for Mao to recall him and address excesses of the Cultural Revolution, Deng was slowly put back into harness for a short period of time. The time came when, again, Mao began to distrust Deng and even put the cold shoulder to Zhou Enlai, Mao's long time lieutenant. After a brief exile, Deng was again readmitted into a leadership role.
The book then goes on to outline how, through political acumen and skills at coalition building, slowly became the # 1 leader, leaving Mao's successor out of power. The book has several areas where it explores Deng's career as leader. His role in upgrading the state of science and education is one focal point. There is a nice discussion of his reaching out to other countries to bring China up to speed in modernizing its economy, its military, and so on. The book also considers economic his economic policies, as Deng tried to jump start China's economy, based on fairly rapid growth (with the risk of inflation). His tactics to do this are described well. There is also discussion of his role in the military. He knew that the army was too large, too many senior officers had outlived their usefulness, and the war technology was not up to modern armies. How he was able to make progress in these (and other) sectors is fascinating.
The book also addresses what appear to be some difficult choices that suggest some problematic decision making by Deng. His invasion of Vietnam is portrayed by Deng as a major factor in addressing Vietnam's aggressiveness. I think that the book's author might have had a somewhat more critical take on this event. Too, there is Deng's decision to bring the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to Beijing to put down the Tienanmen Square protests.
After his retirement, his successors became, in Deng's mind, too cautious with the economy. There is a fascinating tale told of how he used his political skills to get China on a pathway toward more rapid growth. It shows Deng as a wily political figure, who even in his eighties could bend events toward his desires.
All in all, a detailed biography, overall well done, of one of the most important figures in the late 20th century. The book might have been even better with a more critical assessment of Deng's work at some points. Still and all, an important work.
August 24, 2021
近几年来，由美国学者撰写的中国政治人物的传记引起了国内读者的广泛关注，比如陶涵所著蒋介石父子的传记。刚刚在大陆推出的傅高义著《邓小平时代》，更是一时之间洛阳纸贵，坊间热销。这不由得让人想起了陈寅恪面对中国学生远赴日本学习中国史的尴尬现象时写的两句诗：“群趋东邻受国史，神州士夫羞欲死。”借用这两句诗，我们也可以说，现在是“群趋洋人著国史，神州士夫羞欲死”。不过静下心来想一想，神州士夫其实也不必羞，因为现在大陆的政治人物研究与传记写作情况，并未超越中国史学传统。
我国史学传统向来有两条脉络，一是国史，二是正史。所谓“国史”，乃是本朝史官撰写本朝功臣列传，如东汉刘珍等人撰写的《东观汉记》，免不了有歌功颂德的溢美之词；所谓“正史”，乃是本朝史官写前朝事，宣告前朝已亡，本朝当立，如朱元璋急于撰写《元史》，昭告天下。一般来说，国史的传记会流传下来，成为后人撰写正史的重要依据；国史是用来记录功劳的，正史是用来盖棺定论的。理解国史与正史的区别，《史记》是一个纠结之处，司马迁是汉朝人写汉朝事，却并不像后世国史那样逢迎溢美，而且被列为正史第一。我想原因在于，司马迁是以私人身份著史，他虽然任职太史令，太史令并不是著史的史官，其职责乃在于夜观天象，记录灾异，并且计算历法。所以《史记》是司马迁业余时间的“副业”。也正因为如此，《史记》才少了后世的国史、正史那么多的条条框框和拘束。
我朝自49年鼎立以来，未及百年，尚称盛世，仍处于撰写“国史”的阶段。更可气的是前朝政权并未灭亡，��然躲在东南的那个岛上自立小朝廷，这样，广大的大陆史学家（无论官方还是民间、学院）既不能深入研究本朝事，也不能盖棺论定前朝事，只好把大股的火气发泄在前朝的前朝上，也就是新清史的编撰上。
我想说的是，对于本国的史学传统，我们更多的是继承了修史这种形式，而忽略了史学传统中对人的关怀与探究的内涵。这么多年来，中国学者几乎丧失了人物传记领域的发言权和主动权，就是丧失《史记》列传传统的一个表现。有人会说，当今中国学界的评价机制里重论文、重学术论著而轻人物传记，也是重要原因，谁会拿出十几年的功夫写个人物传记？又不能算作学术成果，连个副教授都评不上！而我认为，这只是表面原因，不是真正的原因。近几十年来，中国史学界的研究趋向，是重经济、重制度、重思潮，等等等等，恰恰缺少对人物的集中关注，尤其是人性的研究和探讨。我们更喜欢用政治学、经济学、心理学甚至精神病学的理论去剖析一个人物，在一个个社会科学的手术刀下，被研究的那个人物不再热血流淌，而是冷冰冰的死尸一样躺在手术台上等待研究者去评判。这样产出的产品，要么是论文论著太学术化，广大读者少有问津；要么是冠以人物秘传的名字哗众取宠，怎么吸引眼球怎么写，以至于庸俗化。
研究生毕业前夕，我曾经在一篇校内日志这样写道：“自从现代学术体系建立以来，以社会科学化的手段观察历史，侧重于现象而忽视了个人，看到了变迁却放弃了人性中不变的情感与心理。这样的研究取径，板起面孔自封学问，自以为是高高在上的象牙塔，怪道没有人情味儿了。”把人物写得像个“大活人”，有人情味，这本是人物传记（更是历史研究！）的应有之义，也是我国史学传统的内涵，在这方面，傅高义的这本《邓小平时代》，不得不看做是对中国学者的一个当头棒喝（对于捧读者来说），或者是一记背后闷棍（对于视而不见者来说）。
尽管大陆版相比香港版据说已经减肥不少，我仍然花了近一个月的时间一口气读完这本砖头著作的大陆版。陈垣先生说，研究历史的人往往是喜欢翻书找材料，而不喜欢完整地读书。很不幸，我在历史系多年，就有这个坏习惯，在我记忆中，这本《邓小平时代》似乎是上大学以来我极其少有的能够完完整整一口气读下来的书。在阅读的过程中，有一种回归《史记》般的愉悦感，这种愉悦感不仅仅来自于对历史的好奇，也由于文笔的流畅与生动。整部书是编年体，甚至经常具体到日；对重要的事件，则采取纪事本末体，如对日本、美国外交关系正常化。因为这种详细的写作方式，书中信息量之大，是惊人的。作为中国读者，对于自己国家一个重要时期的了解，从来没有这么全面、深入。在事件的进程中，我们看到的一个个人名，并不是符号化或概念化的人物，而是有思考、有情感的人。
值得注意的是，无论是写作蒋介石父子传记的陶涵，还是本书作者傅高义，都有在美国情报机构任职的经历。研究政治人物并为之撰写传记，是情报工作的重要内容。作者的情报工作经历与训练对于写作这种传记，应该有深刻影响。从这个视角看，美国学者所撰写的人物传记，也有区别于中国史学传统的显著特点。在美国情报理论的奠基之作《战略情报——为美国的世界政策服务》中，谢尔曼•肯特这样论述人物传记的写作：“既然每个人既是他所处的环境的产物，也是其所处环境的塑造者，既然没有两个人完全相像，那么关于人物的情报报告工作就必须详细了解他们的情况。必须了解他们的性格和抱负，他们所持的政治观点，他们的弱点，他们能施加的影响，他们承受压力的程度。还必须了解他们的亲朋好友及经常活动的政治、经济和社会圈子。只有清楚这些情况，才能判断他获取的权力大小和掌权后的政治走向。”
美国的情报学理论一向重视对社会科学理论的广泛吸取与精确运用，而在人物传记的写作中，他们最关注的还是性格等因素。同样，在《邓小平时代》这部书中，我们并未看到使用社会科学理论工具的斧凿痕迹，而是更多的看到作者对邓小平的性格分析，在处理困难问题上，邓小平所具备的自信、坚韧的品格，他的大胆试验的思考方式和行事风格，调动全党上下积极性的坚强决心，在决策中发挥着更决定性的作用。在我国传统的史传中，一般努力追求司马迁式的“寓论断于序事”，借助历史人物之口评价历史人物，作者虽然有强烈的褒贬意识，却在叙事过程中努力隐藏这种直接的作者痕迹（篇末论赞除外）。越是早期的史传，越是喜欢用一些细节来间接展现人物的性格，以及这种性格对人物命运的影响。这种写作方法在《史记》、《汉书》、《后汉书》中屡见不鲜。在当下的人物传记中，研究者很少能够有力地分析、揣测人物的性格、气质，也往往忽略很多有趣的、有价值的细节，所以写出来的人物要么符号化，要么脸谱化，甚至为了追求社会科学式的客观，努力避免做人物性格的直接分析。中西对比之下，我们可以发现，西方著作的附录中经常有重要人物的小传，这种小传喜欢直抒胸臆地分析人物性格，甚至爆料鲜为人知的小故事。看看香港版《邓小平时代》附录中的关键人物小传（这个附录在大陆版中已经删掉了），篇幅虽然不大，但是信息量之丰富、爆料度之深入，足以让一般大陆读者的头脑中刮一场小小的风暴：原来我们对曾经天天出现在《人民日报》、《新闻联播》中的人了解太少了，他们是“熟悉的陌生人”。
像《史记》那样的高妙之作毕竟不多，读者可能更喜欢读西方学者的直接分析，这样更爽。
《邓小平时代》引发读者反思的不仅是人物传记的史学传统问题，还有对当前中国命运的思考与关注。在这部书中，作者有两个高明之处，一个是对政治派别的划分，一个是对政治氛围的感悟。虽然作者用了建设派、平衡派这种概括方式，却没有界定一个固定的标签，可能在政治的运作实践中，建设派与平衡派的界限本来就是模糊的。在1980年代初期，全国上下急于思变，这时的政治氛围就是倾向于改革开放；而到了80年代后期，面对通货膨胀的压力，党内尤其是高层形成了倾向于保守的政治氛围。在不同的形势下，执政群体有不同的选择。邓小平善于运用政治氛围，推出他的计划；也敢于打破保守的氛围，重新开启改革，比如1992年的南巡。不过我们应该看到80年代到90年代初这段时间，与当前有着很大的不同。在那个时代，改革开放是全党全国尤其是地方干部的共识，因为改革开放能给地方政府带来巨大的利益和改观；在当下，高层，至少是最高层的那几个人还能坚持发出改革的口号，而地方的干部们却不再积极地认同改革。邓小平时代是地方上急切思变的压力迫使中央进行改革开放；当前的形势下是中央少数人试图打破地方利益格局，实现公平，巩固执政合法性。
近十几年来，“维稳”成了一个热门词语��揣测其本意，大概是“维持稳定团结的大局”，可是在实际操作中，“维稳”成了各地维护现状的借口。地方上对于进一步改革的原动力已经不足，而是满足于巩固这种利益格局。在这种政治氛围下，新一代领导人面临的改革难度，远远大于1992年邓小平南巡前夕的形势。
在邓的时代，也不是没有留下值得进一步反思的问题。邓始终强调应当加快经济发展速度，以经济绩效取得人民的拥护。在物质生活不丰富的时代，满足人民的这种需求当然可以巩固执政地位。然而到了物质生活已经极为丰富的今天，单纯的经济绩效已经不能有效地提高人民的幸福感、满意度。实现公平、正义，重新塑造社会价值体系，整合社会认同感，以进一步巩固执政的合法性，这些问题的难度，又远远大于改革利益格局的难度。
我国史学传统向来有两条脉络，一是国史，二是正史。所谓“国史”，乃是本朝史官撰写本朝功臣列传，如东汉刘珍等人撰写的《东观汉记》，免不了有歌功颂德的溢美之词；所谓“正史”，乃是本朝史官写前朝事，宣告前朝已亡，本朝当立，如朱元璋急于撰写《元史》，昭告天下。一般来说，国史的传记会流传下来，成为后人撰写正史的重要依据；国史是用来记录功劳的，正史是用来盖棺定论的。理解国史与正史的区别，《史记》是一个纠结之处，司马迁是汉朝人写汉朝事，却并不像后世国史那样逢迎溢美，而且被列为正史第一。我想原因在于，司马迁是以私人身份著史，他虽然任职太史令，太史令并不是著史的史官，其职责乃在于夜观天象，记录灾异，并且计算历法。所以《史记》是司马迁业余时间的“副业”。也正因为如此，《史记》才少了后世的国史、正史那么多的条条框框和拘束。
我朝自49年鼎立以来，未及百年，尚称盛世，仍处于撰写“国史”的阶段。更可气的是前朝政权并未灭亡，��然躲在东南的那个岛上自立小朝廷，这样，广大的大陆史学家（无论官方还是民间、学院）既不能深入研究本朝事，也不能盖棺论定前朝事，只好把大股的火气发泄在前朝的前朝上，也就是新清史的编撰上。
我想说的是，对于本国的史学传统，我们更多的是继承了修史这种形式，而忽略了史学传统中对人的关怀与探究的内涵。这么多年来，中国学者几乎丧失了人物传记领域的发言权和主动权，就是丧失《史记》列传传统的一个表现。有人会说，当今中国学界的评价机制里重论文、重学术论著而轻人物传记，也是重要原因，谁会拿出十几年的功夫写个人物传记？又不能算作学术成果，连个副教授都评不上！而我认为，这只是表面原因，不是真正的原因。近几十年来，中国史学界的研究趋向，是重经济、重制度、重思潮，等等等等，恰恰缺少对人物的集中关注，尤其是人性的研究和探讨。我们更喜欢用政治学、经济学、心理学甚至精神病学的理论去剖析一个人物，在一个个社会科学的手术刀下，被研究的那个人物不再热血流淌，而是冷冰冰的死尸一样躺在手术台上等待研究者去评判。这样产出的产品，要么是论文论著太学术化，广大读者少有问津；要么是冠以人物秘传的名字哗众取宠，怎么吸引眼球怎么写，以至于庸俗化。
研究生毕业前夕，我曾经在一篇校内日志这样写道：“自从现代学术体系建立以来，以社会科学化的手段观察历史，侧重于现象而忽视了个人，看到了变迁却放弃了人性中不变的情感与心理。这样的研究取径，板起面孔自封学问，自以为是高高在上的象牙塔，怪道没有人情味儿了。”把人物写得像个“大活人”，有人情味，这本是人物传记（更是历史研究！）的应有之义，也是我国史学传统的内涵，在这方面，傅高义的这本《邓小平时代》，不得不看做是对中国学者的一个当头棒喝（对于捧读者来说），或者是一记背后闷棍（对于视而不见者来说）。
尽管大陆版相比香港版据说已经减肥不少，我仍然花了近一个月的时间一口气读完这本砖头著作的大陆版。陈垣先生说，研究历史的人往往是喜欢翻书找材料，而不喜欢完整地读书。很不幸，我在历史系多年，就有这个坏习惯，在我记忆中，这本《邓小平时代》似乎是上大学以来我极其少有的能够完完整整一口气读下来的书。在阅读的过程中，有一种回归《史记》般的愉悦感，这种愉悦感不仅仅来自于对历史的好奇，也由于文笔的流畅与生动。整部书是编年体，甚至经常具体到日；对重要的事件，则采取纪事本末体，如对日本、美国外交关系正常化。因为这种详细的写作方式，书中信息量之大，是惊人的。作为中国读者，对于自己国家一个重要时期的了解，从来没有这么全面、深入。在事件的进程中，我们看到的一个个人名，并不是符号化或概念化的人物，而是有思考、有情感的人。
值得注意的是，无论是写作蒋介石父子传记的陶涵，还是本书作者傅高义，都有在美国情报机构任职的经历。研究政治人物并为之撰写传记，是情报工作的重要内容。作者的情报工作经历与训练对于写作这种传记，应该有深刻影响。从这个视角看，美国学者所撰写的人物传记，也有区别于中国史学传统的显著特点。在美国情报理论的奠基之作《战略情报——为美国的世界政策服务》中，谢尔曼•肯特这样论述人物传记的写作：“既然每个人既是他所处的环境的产物，也是其所处环境的塑造者，既然没有两个人完全相像，那么关于人物的情报报告工作就必须详细了解他们的情况。必须了解他们的性格和抱负，他们所持的政治观点，他们的弱点，他们能施加的影响，他们承受压力的程度。还必须了解他们的亲朋好友及经常活动的政治、经济和社会圈子。只有清楚这些情况，才能判断他获取的权力大小和掌权后的政治走向。”
美国的情报学理论一向重视对社会科学理论的广泛吸取与精确运用，而在人物传记的写作中，他们最关注的还是性格等因素。同样，在《邓小平时代》这部书中，我们并未看到使用社会科学理论工具的斧凿痕迹，而是更多的看到作者对邓小平的性格分析，在处理困难问题上，邓小平所具备的自信、坚韧的品格，他的大胆试验的思考方式和行事风格，调动全党上下积极性的坚强决心，在决策中发挥着更决定性的作用。在我国传统的史传中，一般努力追求司马迁式的“寓论断于序事”，借助历史人物之口评价历史人物，作者虽然有强烈的褒贬意识，却在叙事过程中努力隐藏这种直接的作者痕迹（篇末论赞除外）。越是早期的史传，越是喜欢用一些细节来间接展现人物的性格，以及这种性格对人物命运的影响。这种写作方法在《史记》、《汉书》、《后汉书》中屡见不鲜。在当下的人物传记中，研究者很少能够有力地分析、揣测人物的性格、气质，也往往忽略很多有趣的、有价值的细节，所以写出来的人物要么符号化，要么脸谱化，甚至为了追求社会科学式的客观，努力避免做人物性格的直接分析。中西对比之下，我们可以发现，西方著作的附录中经常有重要人物的小传，这种小传喜欢直抒胸臆地分析人物性格，甚至爆料鲜为人知的小故事。看看香港版《邓小平时代》附录中的关键人物小传（这个附录在大陆版中已经删掉了），篇幅虽然不大，但是信息量之丰富、爆料度之深入，足以让一般大陆读者的头脑中刮一场小小的风暴：原来我们对曾经天天出现在《人民日报》、《新闻联播》中的人了解太少了，他们是“熟悉的陌生人”。
像《史记》那样的高妙之作毕竟不多，读者可能更喜欢读西方学者的直接分析，这样更爽。
《邓小平时代》引发读者反思的不仅是人物传记的史学传统问题，还有对当前中国命运的思考与关注。在这部书中，作者有两个高明之处，一个是对政治派别的划分，一个是对政治氛围的感悟。虽然作者用了建设派、平衡派这种概括方式，却没有界定一个固定的标签，可能在政治的运作实践中，建设派与平衡派的界限本来就是模糊的。在1980年代初期，全国上下急于思变，这时的政治氛围就是倾向于改革开放；而到了80年代后期，面对通货膨胀的压力，党内尤其是高层形成了倾向于保守的政治氛围。在不同的形势下，执政群体有不同的选择。邓小平善于运用政治氛围，推出他的计划；也敢于打破保守的氛围，重新开启改革，比如1992年的南巡。不过我们应该看到80年代到90年代初这段时间，与当前有着很大的不同。在那个时代，改革开放是全党全国尤其是地方干部的共识，因为改革开放能给地方政府带来巨大的利益和改观；在当下，高层，至少是最高层的那几个人还能坚持发出改革的口号，而地方的干部们却不再积极地认同改革。邓小平时代是地方上急切思变的压力迫使中央进行改革开放；当前的形势下是中央少数人试图打破地方利益格局，实现公平，巩固执政合法性。
近十几年来，“维稳”成了一个热门词语��揣测其本意，大概是“维持稳定团结的大局”，可是在实际操作中，“维稳”成了各地维护现状的借口。地方上对于进一步改革的原动力已经不足，而是满足于巩固这种利益格局。在这种政治氛围下，新一代领导人面临的改革难度，远远大于1992年邓小平南巡前夕的形势。
在邓的时代，也不是没有留下值得进一步反思的问题。邓始终强调应当加快经济发展速度，以经济绩效取得人民的拥护。在物质生活不丰富的时代，满足人民的这种需求当然可以巩固执政地位。然而到了物质生活已经极为丰富的今天，单纯的经济绩效已经不能有效地提高人民的幸福感、满意度。实现公平、正义，重新塑造社会价值体系，整合社会认同感，以进一步巩固执政的合法性，这些问题的难度，又远远大于改革利益格局的难度。
March 28, 2021
5/5 - "Did any other leader in the twentieth century do more to improve the lives of so many? Did any other twentieth-century leader have such a large and lasting influence on world history?" Vogel tells us probably not.
I really enjoyed Vogel's account of Deng Xiaoping's 92 years on earth. In many ways, the story of Deng is the story of Modern China. When I think of China, I always think of how a tiny fishing village like Shenzhen can become a sprawling megacity dubbed the "Silicon Valley of Hardware" in just a few decades. For better or for worse, Deng's impact will be felt for decades to come.
I really enjoyed Vogel's account of Deng Xiaoping's 92 years on earth. In many ways, the story of Deng is the story of Modern China. When I think of China, I always think of how a tiny fishing village like Shenzhen can become a sprawling megacity dubbed the "Silicon Valley of Hardware" in just a few decades. For better or for worse, Deng's impact will be felt for decades to come.
March 10, 2023
Good read on Deng Xiaoping, and a must read to understand modern day China. The economic development parts were a breeze and felt like competence porn. Also, I understand Cixin Liu's Three Body Problem more after reading this, which makes sense considering Liu grew up in Deng era.
Some parts, such as those on the Tainanment Square massacre, Tibet, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Vietnam war etc felt one sided. I guess because it's about a Chinese leader, you get to hear their side of the story more. Still, they verged on gaslighting.
I read this along with The Price of Modi Years by Aakar Patel...not a good idea in hindsight, the difference in governance abilities of two leaders were too obvious.
Some parts, such as those on the Tainanment Square massacre, Tibet, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Vietnam war etc felt one sided. I guess because it's about a Chinese leader, you get to hear their side of the story more. Still, they verged on gaslighting.
I read this along with The Price of Modi Years by Aakar Patel...not a good idea in hindsight, the difference in governance abilities of two leaders were too obvious.
January 29, 2024
Such a huge book as Vogel digs into the details and a lot of nuances in politics.
The first half of the book does not interest me as much as it describes how Deng ascends to power. This is a thrilling story in itself but it is much more thrilling to see in the second half how Deng the manager sails the boat, leading his government and the people to the direction he trusts.
Deng, in my opinion, is a great manager. He puts a bet on the strategy of opening the country, of focusing on and fostering economic development, and works carefully towards these goals while maintaining a decent level of order and unity. Deng does not necessarily know the details of implementation, is not necessarily the one who writes out the blueprints. He sets the directions and lets his reports do their work with quite some freedom and creativity, and tolerating some level of corruption. Chen Yun, in my opinion, should be given more praise. The existence of the opposing force to keep power in check, keep ideas in balance, keep actions more grounded with reality, should be always welcome. But too much turmoil and arguments then nothing is achieved. As a manager, Deng seems to have a good sense of retaining the right amount of welcoming different ideas from other factions and when to push forward using his power. After serious drawback he shows still the leadership, the calmness and selfassurance that a team needs critically to be able to charge forward.
I like that Vogel carefully presents the Tiananmen Square incident, not overdramatizing and provides quite many possible reads and perspectives. I appreciate that Vogel mentioned other atrocities in East Asia, in Taiwan or South Korea but not received that much publicity, or the killings that the Western countries and the America did elsewhere. Nevertheless, killing is killing, lives gone are gone. A bad event is not justified by the existence of the other worse events.
In the end it is truly hard to say how wrong or not that wrong the decision is, given the goals of the controlling party. Because it depends very much on your beliefs on what otherwise could have happened, on the what if. My personal take is that it could have been dealt with better. But it is not easy. And this is how it unfolded, unfortunately.
The first half of the book does not interest me as much as it describes how Deng ascends to power. This is a thrilling story in itself but it is much more thrilling to see in the second half how Deng the manager sails the boat, leading his government and the people to the direction he trusts.
Deng, in my opinion, is a great manager. He puts a bet on the strategy of opening the country, of focusing on and fostering economic development, and works carefully towards these goals while maintaining a decent level of order and unity. Deng does not necessarily know the details of implementation, is not necessarily the one who writes out the blueprints. He sets the directions and lets his reports do their work with quite some freedom and creativity, and tolerating some level of corruption. Chen Yun, in my opinion, should be given more praise. The existence of the opposing force to keep power in check, keep ideas in balance, keep actions more grounded with reality, should be always welcome. But too much turmoil and arguments then nothing is achieved. As a manager, Deng seems to have a good sense of retaining the right amount of welcoming different ideas from other factions and when to push forward using his power. After serious drawback he shows still the leadership, the calmness and selfassurance that a team needs critically to be able to charge forward.
I like that Vogel carefully presents the Tiananmen Square incident, not overdramatizing and provides quite many possible reads and perspectives. I appreciate that Vogel mentioned other atrocities in East Asia, in Taiwan or South Korea but not received that much publicity, or the killings that the Western countries and the America did elsewhere. Nevertheless, killing is killing, lives gone are gone. A bad event is not justified by the existence of the other worse events.
In the end it is truly hard to say how wrong or not that wrong the decision is, given the goals of the controlling party. Because it depends very much on your beliefs on what otherwise could have happened, on the what if. My personal take is that it could have been dealt with better. But it is not easy. And this is how it unfolded, unfortunately.
October 21, 2023
On the bus returning to his guest house after visiting the World Trade Center, Deng repeated many of his basic points: Planning is not the same as socialism, and markets are not the same as capitalism. Socialism is not poverty. In following the socialist path, everyone can become rich, and toward this end the places that get rich first should turn over more taxes, which then can be used to assist less-developed areas. But the situation cannot be equalized too quickly - people should not "eat out of the same pot" - for this would destroy the people's enthusiasm. Deng again urged his listeners to experiment, to take risks, and to not be afraid of making mistakes; when you make them, just correct them
Deng is one of the more fascinating characters in Asian history to me, at least moreso than Mao. He found himself purged from the party three times and used his time at the top not to exact revenge, but to find the best way to bring his country out of suffering. I don't believe the quotes calling him a capitalist roader, I think he was a devoted socialist who knew he was on the forefront and had to make tough decisions. There's lots of personal details about him (his relationship to his family, his friendships and rivalries in the administration) that paint him as a humble, compassionate person. Which makes squaring Tiananmen against his tenure hard to do. I certainly wouldn't attempt to whitewash it, but Vogel has an interesting aside in his chapter about the protest pointing out that squashing dissent in Taiwan or South Korea (other US allies) doesn't nearly get enough scrutiny partly because of the "power of the Tiananmen image". The protests were covered in Western media because of the meeting with Gorbachev happening in Beijing at the same time, giving US media access a level they hadn't seen before. The events unfolded dramatically in real time on television for Chinese and US citizens to see.
Deng is one of the more fascinating characters in Asian history to me, at least moreso than Mao. He found himself purged from the party three times and used his time at the top not to exact revenge, but to find the best way to bring his country out of suffering. I don't believe the quotes calling him a capitalist roader, I think he was a devoted socialist who knew he was on the forefront and had to make tough decisions. There's lots of personal details about him (his relationship to his family, his friendships and rivalries in the administration) that paint him as a humble, compassionate person. Which makes squaring Tiananmen against his tenure hard to do. I certainly wouldn't attempt to whitewash it, but Vogel has an interesting aside in his chapter about the protest pointing out that squashing dissent in Taiwan or South Korea (other US allies) doesn't nearly get enough scrutiny partly because of the "power of the Tiananmen image". The protests were covered in Western media because of the meeting with Gorbachev happening in Beijing at the same time, giving US media access a level they hadn't seen before. The events unfolded dramatically in real time on television for Chinese and US citizens to see.
July 5, 2020
This is for sure the longest book I have ever read.
As Singapore founding father Lee Kuan Yew once described Deng Xiaoping as "less than five feet tall, but a giant among men" credits what a great leader he was. This book gives a very insightful biography of his life. One of the brightest and youngest student to be sent to France to work part time and attend French university part time to study. During his journey, he saw white people treating Chinese in their own country, as if they were slaves. And many other stopovers on the way to France he noticed the same thing in other Asian countries, similar interactions between white masters and local laborers left a deep impression of unfairness on Xiaoping and the other youths on board(The birth of a revolutionary). However just three months later after arriving in France, the funding to these students stopped. The elites who were sent to France to further study, had to work odd jobs with terrible living condition, the leftover jobs which French avoids. And with all the money saved up unable to support his studies, he discovered the west, Marxism and thus, Deng devoted his life to join the radical cause.
The book shows that Deng was a pawn in a chess game, and Mao was the player. And how Deng rose from being a pawn to the player. Not every man could stand such adversity especially when it At one point his eldest son's was paralyzed permanently from the torment of Mao's red guard. His power was removed by Mao multiple times but each time he came back. But deep down Mao knew he needed him to be his successor, China needed him. And Deng had no compunctions of telling what Mao needed to hear, starting with his self-criticism.
He fought the cultural revolution for years and yet he saw the product of the revolution turned sour. People were still suffering, it wasn't the promised land for the people when they fought the cultural revolution, millions died in the great famine. But Deng was fortunate to be given a second chance and start over. The author describe every single step Deng took to solve each and every problem he faced, bringing half a billion people out of famine.
This book will also open up minds that democratic society is not the only way to govern a country. Deng believed that there is no system any country is practicing to govern more than a billion people. Data shows in 1979, China was poorer than India, similar population and size, there were hardly enough grain and oil rations for everyone. But there was one distinct difference. Deng has great authority in his governance. With that, he started a motion which helped achieved significant economic growth. Quoting from the book :- “My father,” Deng's younger son, Deng Zhifang, told an American acquaintance, “thinks Gorbachev is an idiot.” Gorbachev, his father had explained, set out to change the political system first. That was a misguided policy because “he won't have the power to fix the economic problems and the people will remove him.” Deng strongly believe in socialism, the sole governing structure that could provide the core of loyalty, discipline, and commitment that was needed to provide stable leadership for the country. As Lee Kuan Yew once said, democracy is a product of prosperity, not the cause of it.
One of my favorite part of the book was Britain returning of sovereignty over Hong Kong to China. Margaret Thatcher the Iron Lady met Deng the steel factory. The iron lady thought Chinese refusal to consider British sovereignty after 1997 as merely a negotiating position, but boy she was wrong. Deng made it clear that if the British were to to put up resistance or siphoning significant funds from Hong Kong before the 1997 handover China will decide her own timing of manner of recovery of Hong Kong, and thus Britain decided to abide to the deal. Despite China having a weak and old-tech military equipment, they were willing to give it all out and be firm in getting back to sovereignty of Hong Kong
Despite everything Deng has done for his country, there was blood on his hands. The controversial tragic approach he took to stop the Tiananmen protest, which led to hundreds of deaths in the country. But that is what leadership is, making extremely brutal choices. However that military action won china more than a decade of stability and enormous economic growth. Despite many sanctions from developed countries especially from the US, he buckled up. He was never going to let China go back into the midst of turmoil after 22 years of civil war and 20 million lives. In an interview by Lee Kuan Yew regarding the topic of Tiananmen, LKY said:- “He took over, and he said: 'If I have to shoot 200,000 students to save China from another 100 years of disorder, so be it.'" - Recalling how former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping dealt with the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests”
Deng did not take credit for everything he has done for China. He believed that a single person should not be held responsible for all the success, similar to the failures of the previous decades ruled by Mao, "We are all to blame" he said. Deng had a far more revolutionary influence compared to Mao. But unlike Mao, Deng did not compared himself with the great emperors, or want to be considered as a son of heaven. He only asked to be remembered as an ordinary earthly being, as a "son of the Chinese people".
Deng has accomplished something truly remarkable and deserve a great place in history of the world
As Singapore founding father Lee Kuan Yew once described Deng Xiaoping as "less than five feet tall, but a giant among men" credits what a great leader he was. This book gives a very insightful biography of his life. One of the brightest and youngest student to be sent to France to work part time and attend French university part time to study. During his journey, he saw white people treating Chinese in their own country, as if they were slaves. And many other stopovers on the way to France he noticed the same thing in other Asian countries, similar interactions between white masters and local laborers left a deep impression of unfairness on Xiaoping and the other youths on board(The birth of a revolutionary). However just three months later after arriving in France, the funding to these students stopped. The elites who were sent to France to further study, had to work odd jobs with terrible living condition, the leftover jobs which French avoids. And with all the money saved up unable to support his studies, he discovered the west, Marxism and thus, Deng devoted his life to join the radical cause.
The book shows that Deng was a pawn in a chess game, and Mao was the player. And how Deng rose from being a pawn to the player. Not every man could stand such adversity especially when it At one point his eldest son's was paralyzed permanently from the torment of Mao's red guard. His power was removed by Mao multiple times but each time he came back. But deep down Mao knew he needed him to be his successor, China needed him. And Deng had no compunctions of telling what Mao needed to hear, starting with his self-criticism.
He fought the cultural revolution for years and yet he saw the product of the revolution turned sour. People were still suffering, it wasn't the promised land for the people when they fought the cultural revolution, millions died in the great famine. But Deng was fortunate to be given a second chance and start over. The author describe every single step Deng took to solve each and every problem he faced, bringing half a billion people out of famine.
This book will also open up minds that democratic society is not the only way to govern a country. Deng believed that there is no system any country is practicing to govern more than a billion people. Data shows in 1979, China was poorer than India, similar population and size, there were hardly enough grain and oil rations for everyone. But there was one distinct difference. Deng has great authority in his governance. With that, he started a motion which helped achieved significant economic growth. Quoting from the book :- “My father,” Deng's younger son, Deng Zhifang, told an American acquaintance, “thinks Gorbachev is an idiot.” Gorbachev, his father had explained, set out to change the political system first. That was a misguided policy because “he won't have the power to fix the economic problems and the people will remove him.” Deng strongly believe in socialism, the sole governing structure that could provide the core of loyalty, discipline, and commitment that was needed to provide stable leadership for the country. As Lee Kuan Yew once said, democracy is a product of prosperity, not the cause of it.
One of my favorite part of the book was Britain returning of sovereignty over Hong Kong to China. Margaret Thatcher the Iron Lady met Deng the steel factory. The iron lady thought Chinese refusal to consider British sovereignty after 1997 as merely a negotiating position, but boy she was wrong. Deng made it clear that if the British were to to put up resistance or siphoning significant funds from Hong Kong before the 1997 handover China will decide her own timing of manner of recovery of Hong Kong, and thus Britain decided to abide to the deal. Despite China having a weak and old-tech military equipment, they were willing to give it all out and be firm in getting back to sovereignty of Hong Kong
Despite everything Deng has done for his country, there was blood on his hands. The controversial tragic approach he took to stop the Tiananmen protest, which led to hundreds of deaths in the country. But that is what leadership is, making extremely brutal choices. However that military action won china more than a decade of stability and enormous economic growth. Despite many sanctions from developed countries especially from the US, he buckled up. He was never going to let China go back into the midst of turmoil after 22 years of civil war and 20 million lives. In an interview by Lee Kuan Yew regarding the topic of Tiananmen, LKY said:- “He took over, and he said: 'If I have to shoot 200,000 students to save China from another 100 years of disorder, so be it.'" - Recalling how former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping dealt with the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests”
Deng did not take credit for everything he has done for China. He believed that a single person should not be held responsible for all the success, similar to the failures of the previous decades ruled by Mao, "We are all to blame" he said. Deng had a far more revolutionary influence compared to Mao. But unlike Mao, Deng did not compared himself with the great emperors, or want to be considered as a son of heaven. He only asked to be remembered as an ordinary earthly being, as a "son of the Chinese people".
Deng has accomplished something truly remarkable and deserve a great place in history of the world
July 8, 2019
"No one in the twentieth century had a greater impact on world history than Deng Xiaoping."
This was my first deep encounter, with Deng Xiaoping. And so it's hard for me to really disentangle this book, which was phenomenal, from the man it is about. At once a hero, a tyrant, a pragmatist and a utopian, Deng Xiaoping had the traits of a great man, and this book was the first time that I really, truly went back to thinking...maybe Carlyle was right. Maybe there really are human beings who transcend their time, transcend their environment, and transcend their culture to really, truly, change the world.
It's a small fact, and like any fact, irrelevant on its own, but when Deng took over China, he inherited a country with a per-capita GDP that was less than North Korea. He had been effectively excommunicated during the Cultural Revolution, and was taking the helm of a country that was economically broken and a population that was psychically devastated from decades of nonsensical policies.
So where to begin....
Deng, at the end of the day, was not an intellectual. He was proud, not of his ability to come up with new ideas, but of his ability to implement them. He was a systems thinker, and had a prodigious memory, which suited him well during the various purges; he never wrote anything down.
From the beginning, he was a pragmatist, not an idealist. He was quiet publicly, but even in the fifties had begun experimenting with progressive taxation rather than all out confiscation of productive output. He had no relationship with his parents, but lifelong relationships with his children and servants. And he was decisively self-aware - he knew, earlier than anyone in the west, that "he would not be China's Krushchev." He was a consummate weiqi (go) strategist who focused on territory and surrounding rather than direct confrontation. And he was a natural statistical thinker: "If what a person did was 70 percent correct, that is very good. If after my death people say that what I did was 70 percent correct, Deng said, that would be quite good."
At this point, I'm reviewing the man, not the book, and the impact it had on me, rather than the impact it might have on others more well-versed in the history.
If you want to learn about Deng Xiaoping, this is the biography you should read. Vogel's access was unparalleled, and his scholarship was phenomenal. But while his writing was crisp and effective, and while his narrative flowed well, the greatest compliment to any author of a biography like this was that the book took on the form of Deng himself - with the exception of the introduction, the pages were fully Deng's.
It's obvious that Deng Xiaoping was not perfect; in particular, his involvement in the response to protests in Tiananmen Square has spoiled his western legacy. But his life was extraordinary, and his humble form of leadership should be something that informs more contemporary leaders.
We have an image of leadership that involves decisive meetings and constant action. The more you read about great thinkers and leaders, the more you learn that many of them don't fit this mold. Deng was a reader, and a writer, but communicated very rarely in person, preferring long-form writing to oral briefings.
Finally, there was a joy in reading about how Deng and his inner circle dismantled the ossified communist framework like Luther with the Bible. One of my favorite sections involved a close reading of Das Kapital: a quote about a capitalist with eight employees exploiting his workers was interpreted to mean that working entrepreneurs who employed no more than seven others were not capitalists, and with that, a small wedge was formed that could grow slowly over time.
This was my first deep encounter, with Deng Xiaoping. And so it's hard for me to really disentangle this book, which was phenomenal, from the man it is about. At once a hero, a tyrant, a pragmatist and a utopian, Deng Xiaoping had the traits of a great man, and this book was the first time that I really, truly went back to thinking...maybe Carlyle was right. Maybe there really are human beings who transcend their time, transcend their environment, and transcend their culture to really, truly, change the world.
It's a small fact, and like any fact, irrelevant on its own, but when Deng took over China, he inherited a country with a per-capita GDP that was less than North Korea. He had been effectively excommunicated during the Cultural Revolution, and was taking the helm of a country that was economically broken and a population that was psychically devastated from decades of nonsensical policies.
So where to begin....
Deng, at the end of the day, was not an intellectual. He was proud, not of his ability to come up with new ideas, but of his ability to implement them. He was a systems thinker, and had a prodigious memory, which suited him well during the various purges; he never wrote anything down.
From the beginning, he was a pragmatist, not an idealist. He was quiet publicly, but even in the fifties had begun experimenting with progressive taxation rather than all out confiscation of productive output. He had no relationship with his parents, but lifelong relationships with his children and servants. And he was decisively self-aware - he knew, earlier than anyone in the west, that "he would not be China's Krushchev." He was a consummate weiqi (go) strategist who focused on territory and surrounding rather than direct confrontation. And he was a natural statistical thinker: "If what a person did was 70 percent correct, that is very good. If after my death people say that what I did was 70 percent correct, Deng said, that would be quite good."
At this point, I'm reviewing the man, not the book, and the impact it had on me, rather than the impact it might have on others more well-versed in the history.
If you want to learn about Deng Xiaoping, this is the biography you should read. Vogel's access was unparalleled, and his scholarship was phenomenal. But while his writing was crisp and effective, and while his narrative flowed well, the greatest compliment to any author of a biography like this was that the book took on the form of Deng himself - with the exception of the introduction, the pages were fully Deng's.
It's obvious that Deng Xiaoping was not perfect; in particular, his involvement in the response to protests in Tiananmen Square has spoiled his western legacy. But his life was extraordinary, and his humble form of leadership should be something that informs more contemporary leaders.
We have an image of leadership that involves decisive meetings and constant action. The more you read about great thinkers and leaders, the more you learn that many of them don't fit this mold. Deng was a reader, and a writer, but communicated very rarely in person, preferring long-form writing to oral briefings.
Finally, there was a joy in reading about how Deng and his inner circle dismantled the ossified communist framework like Luther with the Bible. One of my favorite sections involved a close reading of Das Kapital: a quote about a capitalist with eight employees exploiting his workers was interpreted to mean that working entrepreneurs who employed no more than seven others were not capitalists, and with that, a small wedge was formed that could grow slowly over time.
July 30, 2012
Ezra Vogel wrote a really really long biography of Deng Xiaoping, the second Emperor of the Communist Dynasty. It's massive, packed with detail, enormously interesting, and more than a bit scary. So Deng Xiaoping was one of those elemental badass guys who's a lot of fun to read about, and very scary when you realize that real people had to deal with him and the consequences of his actions. Much like his old boss Mao Zedong, that way, except that where Mao was more of a crazy mad warrior poet dictator, Deng was more of a Determinator.
Deng was born in a village somewhere in central China. The book says where, but it matters not, because he so dedicated himself to the Party and the Cause that he never went back - it wouldn't do to have divisive regional loyalties. He was a good student, so he went overseas to France, where his scholarship fell through, and seeking a way to better himself, he joined the Chinese Communist Party. Evidently, that was a thing students did back then. He was a political commissar during the Revolution, and ended up governing several provinces in southern China during the transition, after which he joined the governing bureaucracy, ending up as General Secretary of the Party, where he helped execute Mao's Great Leap Forward, and then tried to ameliorate the aftermath.
He got purged during the Cultural Revolution, and got sent to be a mechanic on a farm workshop for several years. He spent those years making up a list of things to be changed in China in his head, in between writing very obsequious letters to Mao and smoking a lot. Mao eventually brought him back as a possible successor; he showed his loyalty to Mao by mercilessly denouncing Zhou En-lai, his old friend of 50 years standing. This wasn't enough, and he got purged again anyways.
His years as Supreme Leader were marked by the utmost pragmatism. He sent 250,000 troops into Vietnam on an explicit burn and destroy mission to check Vietnamese expansionism. He wanted China to move forward, and to open up, and do whatever worked to improve the economy and the technology. This meant that he could be friendly and cheerful, but also merciless. He pushed his minions to take political fire so that he could be the sage leader and backer of only those reforms that worked, and he threw Hu Yaobang overboard when he drew too much fire from diehard Communist ideologues. Then there was Tiananmen Square, where he made it pretty clear that threats to the Party were not to be tolerated.
His first wife and child died when he was away trying to foment a Communist revolution (that was crushed) in Guangxi province. He joined the Maoist faction early, and was purged for it, and his second wife left him for his purger. His third marriage lasted until his death, but his son was defenestrated by the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution (which didn't keep him from demonstrating his fealty to Mao over and over to get back into power). In true Confucian fashion (although he would undoubtedly reject the comparison), he never wavered in his faith in the Communist Party and the Cause.
Deng was a pretty scary guy.
Deng was born in a village somewhere in central China. The book says where, but it matters not, because he so dedicated himself to the Party and the Cause that he never went back - it wouldn't do to have divisive regional loyalties. He was a good student, so he went overseas to France, where his scholarship fell through, and seeking a way to better himself, he joined the Chinese Communist Party. Evidently, that was a thing students did back then. He was a political commissar during the Revolution, and ended up governing several provinces in southern China during the transition, after which he joined the governing bureaucracy, ending up as General Secretary of the Party, where he helped execute Mao's Great Leap Forward, and then tried to ameliorate the aftermath.
He got purged during the Cultural Revolution, and got sent to be a mechanic on a farm workshop for several years. He spent those years making up a list of things to be changed in China in his head, in between writing very obsequious letters to Mao and smoking a lot. Mao eventually brought him back as a possible successor; he showed his loyalty to Mao by mercilessly denouncing Zhou En-lai, his old friend of 50 years standing. This wasn't enough, and he got purged again anyways.
His years as Supreme Leader were marked by the utmost pragmatism. He sent 250,000 troops into Vietnam on an explicit burn and destroy mission to check Vietnamese expansionism. He wanted China to move forward, and to open up, and do whatever worked to improve the economy and the technology. This meant that he could be friendly and cheerful, but also merciless. He pushed his minions to take political fire so that he could be the sage leader and backer of only those reforms that worked, and he threw Hu Yaobang overboard when he drew too much fire from diehard Communist ideologues. Then there was Tiananmen Square, where he made it pretty clear that threats to the Party were not to be tolerated.
His first wife and child died when he was away trying to foment a Communist revolution (that was crushed) in Guangxi province. He joined the Maoist faction early, and was purged for it, and his second wife left him for his purger. His third marriage lasted until his death, but his son was defenestrated by the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution (which didn't keep him from demonstrating his fealty to Mao over and over to get back into power). In true Confucian fashion (although he would undoubtedly reject the comparison), he never wavered in his faith in the Communist Party and the Cause.
Deng was a pretty scary guy.
August 29, 2012
"As long as it catches mice, it doesn't matter if the cat is black or white." Thus Deng Xiaoping on the centrality of utility in his great goal and achievement: laying the foundation of the opening and modernization of China's economy. This process, a world-historical event whose effects we are just starting to feel, is Deng's lasting legacy to the Chinese people and the world. Professor Vogel traces the life and times of this remarkable leader who survived three purges but always returned to the center of things, lastly to become China's supreme leader. Vogel is careful to place everything in context and does a masterful job of story-telling as well. Not to be missed, if you have any interest in modern Chinese history.
October 28, 2013
Ezra Vogel’s masterful history of China’s reform era is perhaps the clearest account of the revolution that turned China from a totalitarian backwater into the power it has become today. John Pomfret, a former China correspondent for The Post reviewed this biography for Book World, which made our top 10 list for 2011.
Read Pomfret's review here: http://www.washingtonpost.com/enterta...
Read Pomfret's review here: http://www.washingtonpost.com/enterta...
January 30, 2022
History's Finest Bureaucrat
冷静观察，站稳脚跟，沉着应付，韬光养晦，善于守拙，绝不当头，有所作为
Observe calmly; secure our position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capacities and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim leadership.
Amazing that there isn't more written about Deng, doubly amazing that this serves as the authoritative account both in english *and* in Chinese (see: Chinese Goodreads Link) minus a full retelling of June 4th 1989.
More to come.
冷静观察，站稳脚跟，沉着应付，韬光养晦，善于守拙，绝不当头，有所作为
Observe calmly; secure our position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capacities and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim leadership.
Amazing that there isn't more written about Deng, doubly amazing that this serves as the authoritative account both in english *and* in Chinese (see: Chinese Goodreads Link) minus a full retelling of June 4th 1989.
More to come.
February 20, 2017
If you like On China, you will like this one. Sympathetic, understanding, starry-eyed.
December 27, 2023
Of the few men and women in modern history who can truly be described as transformational leaders, it is quite rare that you have two of them in succession in one country. In the USSR there was Vladimir Lenin and then Joseph Stalin, and in China we had Mao Tse-Tung and Deng Xiaoping. And the fact that China's communist party has had successful transitions while the Soviet Union collapsed is, in my opinion, a testament to the leadership quality of Deng.
Born in 1904 to middle-class parents, Deng Xiaoping was a nationalist from an early age, participating in anti-colonial protests from elementary school. He won a scholarship to study in France but never got the funding needed to complete a degree. Back in China Deng joined the communists in their struggle against Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang, and then against the Japanese, and then back against the Kuomintang until the eventual victory of the communists under Mao.
Deng served loyally under Mao until he was proscribed along with several senior officials during the cultural revolution. While him and his family was out of favour with Mao, his son was paralyzed after being denied a surgery from doctors who were afraid of getting into trouble with the most radical young advocates of the cultural revolution. This experience hardened Deng's disdain of the cultural revolution as well as strict adherents to revolutionary theory.
After the end of the cultural revolution, and with Mao in his later years, Deng was recalled to work with the party especially on international affairs. Him and Zhou Enlai formed a 2-man team trying to restore former officials to their position while the radical members of the politburo (nicknamed the Gang of Four) accused them of being rightists. In his advanced age, Mao was most concerned about his legacy and despite his belief that Deng was the best person to lead China, he was exasperated by Deng's refusal to publicly acknowledge that the cultural revolution was a good thing. This led him to eventually settle on Hua Guofeng as his successor.
Hua Guofeng was a believer in opening China to foreign investment and embracing science and technology. Unlike Deng however, he did not enjoy the support of many communist party elders, and his determination to protect Mao's legacy at all costs put him at odds with party members and intellectuals who were seeking to be rehabilitated from their condemnation during the cultural revolution. By 1980, Hua was out and Deng was fully in the driver's seat.
Deng's objectives were to open up & modernize China, to normalise relations with the USA, to keep the Soviet Union (and Vietnam) at bay, to rationalize the size of the military, and to secure a stable succession to a new generation of college-educated party leaders. He faced hurdles at every turn from party conservatives, especially from party elder Chen Yun, whose warnings that the economy could not take the pace of investment and growth proved prescient with the high inflation of the late 1980s.
Deng's flexibility and commitment to pragmatic solutions are quite remarkable for a life-long revolutionary. He brushed aside cautious party members who were afraid that the market reforms he was introducing could undermine the standing of the party. He courted intellectuals, encouraged students to leave China in droves to study, significantly reduced censorship, broke up farming collectives into smallholder household farms, downsized the army, and established academic performance as the ladder for a career in the party. Most remarkably, he did not seek a cult of personality or absolute power to the extent that Chairman Mao had held. And he gave up power to Jiang Zemin while he was still healthy enough to have continued.
Deng's commitment to reform and opening gave people the impression that he secretly wanted to turn China into a western-style liberal democracy. However, that could not be further from the truth. Deng studied the USSR's collapse and surmised that the failure to pursue economic reforms before political reforms was a big mistake. His objective was to strengthen the communist party's hold over the country by using economic liberalization to drive people out of poverty. And in the darkest chapter of his leadership, during the 1989 Tiananmen protests, his brutal crackdown discarded every perception of him as a political liberal.
At over 900 pages Ezra Vogel has undertaken quite an impressive work on Deng's life. The book is much more about Deng than about China's transformation, as his extraordinary life swallows the majority of the text. Ezra leaves out a lot of his own views on Deng's actions till the end, where he is largely sympathetic to the man and his mission. And given China's meteoric rise it is hard, with the benefit of hindsight, not to be astounded by Deng. And yet, we should heed Deng's own words to judge him for what he was, as a human with both achievements and faults.
Born in 1904 to middle-class parents, Deng Xiaoping was a nationalist from an early age, participating in anti-colonial protests from elementary school. He won a scholarship to study in France but never got the funding needed to complete a degree. Back in China Deng joined the communists in their struggle against Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang, and then against the Japanese, and then back against the Kuomintang until the eventual victory of the communists under Mao.
Deng served loyally under Mao until he was proscribed along with several senior officials during the cultural revolution. While him and his family was out of favour with Mao, his son was paralyzed after being denied a surgery from doctors who were afraid of getting into trouble with the most radical young advocates of the cultural revolution. This experience hardened Deng's disdain of the cultural revolution as well as strict adherents to revolutionary theory.
After the end of the cultural revolution, and with Mao in his later years, Deng was recalled to work with the party especially on international affairs. Him and Zhou Enlai formed a 2-man team trying to restore former officials to their position while the radical members of the politburo (nicknamed the Gang of Four) accused them of being rightists. In his advanced age, Mao was most concerned about his legacy and despite his belief that Deng was the best person to lead China, he was exasperated by Deng's refusal to publicly acknowledge that the cultural revolution was a good thing. This led him to eventually settle on Hua Guofeng as his successor.
Hua Guofeng was a believer in opening China to foreign investment and embracing science and technology. Unlike Deng however, he did not enjoy the support of many communist party elders, and his determination to protect Mao's legacy at all costs put him at odds with party members and intellectuals who were seeking to be rehabilitated from their condemnation during the cultural revolution. By 1980, Hua was out and Deng was fully in the driver's seat.
Deng's objectives were to open up & modernize China, to normalise relations with the USA, to keep the Soviet Union (and Vietnam) at bay, to rationalize the size of the military, and to secure a stable succession to a new generation of college-educated party leaders. He faced hurdles at every turn from party conservatives, especially from party elder Chen Yun, whose warnings that the economy could not take the pace of investment and growth proved prescient with the high inflation of the late 1980s.
Deng's flexibility and commitment to pragmatic solutions are quite remarkable for a life-long revolutionary. He brushed aside cautious party members who were afraid that the market reforms he was introducing could undermine the standing of the party. He courted intellectuals, encouraged students to leave China in droves to study, significantly reduced censorship, broke up farming collectives into smallholder household farms, downsized the army, and established academic performance as the ladder for a career in the party. Most remarkably, he did not seek a cult of personality or absolute power to the extent that Chairman Mao had held. And he gave up power to Jiang Zemin while he was still healthy enough to have continued.
Deng's commitment to reform and opening gave people the impression that he secretly wanted to turn China into a western-style liberal democracy. However, that could not be further from the truth. Deng studied the USSR's collapse and surmised that the failure to pursue economic reforms before political reforms was a big mistake. His objective was to strengthen the communist party's hold over the country by using economic liberalization to drive people out of poverty. And in the darkest chapter of his leadership, during the 1989 Tiananmen protests, his brutal crackdown discarded every perception of him as a political liberal.
At over 900 pages Ezra Vogel has undertaken quite an impressive work on Deng's life. The book is much more about Deng than about China's transformation, as his extraordinary life swallows the majority of the text. Ezra leaves out a lot of his own views on Deng's actions till the end, where he is largely sympathetic to the man and his mission. And given China's meteoric rise it is hard, with the benefit of hindsight, not to be astounded by Deng. And yet, we should heed Deng's own words to judge him for what he was, as a human with both achievements and faults.
December 8, 2022
This was one of the best books I read this year.
My only major detraction from this book was that, having read Mao: The Unknown Story and Gang of One: Memoirs of a Red Guard, I was surprised that the author downplayed some of the nastier elements of Mao and Deng's CCP. For example, the One-Child Policy initiated by Deng's administration, one of the cruelest and most significant social policies in human history, gets two pages. I suspect this may have something to do with the widespread self-censorship of Western China scholars, i.e. Vogel's access to the sources needed for his research probably required a bit of tit-for-tat. We get only a cursory summary at the beginning of the book of the often violent roles Deng played while in pursuit of a utopian Maoist society with his comrades; this book is more about how a master statesman achieved his Transformation, rather than Deng himself.
To be fair, Deng was not as awful as many of his compatriots and it's my word against that of one of the world's foremost experts on this topic. It makes any tome more enjoyable to read when the head of one of the most brutal and repressive regimes on the planet can be depicted as a protagonist to root for. As a result, we don't read in this book about how Deng used POWs and innocent civilians to clear minefields, or about his active participation in many of Mao's brutal purges. Ezra Vogel gives a detailed description of the events surrounding the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 with a mournful, almost Shakespearean tone. Like a climax in any well structured fiction, the hundreds of pages leading up to the shootings provides the proper context for a truly holistic understanding for a Westerner like me. - December 2012
My only major detraction from this book was that, having read Mao: The Unknown Story and Gang of One: Memoirs of a Red Guard, I was surprised that the author downplayed some of the nastier elements of Mao and Deng's CCP. For example, the One-Child Policy initiated by Deng's administration, one of the cruelest and most significant social policies in human history, gets two pages. I suspect this may have something to do with the widespread self-censorship of Western China scholars, i.e. Vogel's access to the sources needed for his research probably required a bit of tit-for-tat. We get only a cursory summary at the beginning of the book of the often violent roles Deng played while in pursuit of a utopian Maoist society with his comrades; this book is more about how a master statesman achieved his Transformation, rather than Deng himself.
To be fair, Deng was not as awful as many of his compatriots and it's my word against that of one of the world's foremost experts on this topic. It makes any tome more enjoyable to read when the head of one of the most brutal and repressive regimes on the planet can be depicted as a protagonist to root for. As a result, we don't read in this book about how Deng used POWs and innocent civilians to clear minefields, or about his active participation in many of Mao's brutal purges. Ezra Vogel gives a detailed description of the events surrounding the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 with a mournful, almost Shakespearean tone. Like a climax in any well structured fiction, the hundreds of pages leading up to the shootings provides the proper context for a truly holistic understanding for a Westerner like me. - December 2012
June 9, 2023
This book contains an incredibly biased and neoliberal view of socialism in China and presents Deng as some sort of great saviour, overplaying his supposed achievements and downplaying his immense failures, barely touching on the collapse in living standards of the majority of China's population under his rule during the destruction of the peoples communes and other reforms. This would be a one star review if the book however was not an amazing source of historical documents, with there being a wide array of information about one of China's most important leaders and to be fair the book does provide a good account of China's state-capitalist road (however skewed it may be).
April 19, 2021
Absolutely amazing, incredibly detailed. Priceless knowledge on how Deng Xioping guided China from a backward socialist nation to a global power with a modernising economy.
July 4, 2018
This is another incredible book, and I'd like to begin by listing its awards:
Winner of Lionel Gelber Prize
Finalist, Nation Book Critics Circle Awards, Biography
A Washington Post Best Book of the Year
A Wall Street Journal Book of the Year
An Economist Best Book of the Year
A Financial Times Best Book of the Year
A New York Times Book Review Editors' Choice
with this many awards, it's a good guess that it's going to be a good book.
It's also an incredibly massive book. 714 pages, plus another 150 pages of notes, and with enough mass that I think I could bludgeon someone to death with it if I had to. So, definitely a big investment to get through, but if you want to understand China's modernisation, I doubt there is a better book.
Deng Xiaoping is sometimes called "The Godfather of Modern China". He inherited from Mao a country devastated by Mao's disastrous policies, most recently the ten year long Cultural Revolution; he picked up the pieces and set China on the path towards becoming the superpower that it is today. This would have been hard enough if the country were committed to abandoning communism - but with a strong base of leftists remaining in the communist party, Deng had to implement his reforms - which were essentially capitalist in nature - without invoking the wrath of the hardcore leftists. Here is one representative example of how he went about this:
1. Problem: Agriculture reforms under Mao, which included grouping peasants together in large collective communes and banning private sale of excess grain on local markets - have led to mass starvation. Reversing these policies, however, is regarded as capitalist, and in 1980s China being a "capitalist" is like being a "white supremacist" or "rapist" in western society today, except with more severe repercussions.
2. Solution: Don't say that you are reversing Mao's reforms - just say that "peasants who are starving should be allowed to find ways to survive". Then, once the previously starving peasants are now thriving, quietly apply the same reforms everywhere else.
Generally speaking, Deng Xiaoping outsmarted the hardcore leftists in his party either by phrasing his proposed reforms in a clever way that they found hard to argue with, or else by avoiding arguing altogether. Rather than getting bogged down in arguments over whether or not proposed reforms adhered to the dogma of Marx-Leninism, Deng would quietly implement them, and let the results speak for themselves.
One example that I found particularly funny was when the party started experimenting with the idea of allowing private household enterprises. Like evangelical Christians interpreting the bible literally, high-level communists treated the works of Karl Marx like holy books and obeyed them religiously.
"But how to draw the line between heads of household enterprises and capitalists? In volume 4 of Das Kapital, Marx describes the case of an employer who had eight employees and was exploiting the labor of others. Practical Beijing politicians, then, suggested that as long as the household had no more than seven employees and the household head himself (or herself) worked, the leader of the household enterprise would be classified as a "worker".
By 1982 it was discovered that some household enterprises were hiring eight or even more workers, and a debate ensued. Deng asked what people were afraid of - that it would harm socialism? He used simple examples to make his case. If a farmer has three ducks, he has no problem, but if he gets a fourth duck, is he a capitalist? Still, the issue of where to draw the line on how many employees a private businessman could hire remained so sensitive that the final answer required the personal involvement of Deng and Chen Yun. Deng said to Chen Yun that if they publicly discussed the issue, people would be afraid that the policy allowing private enterprises could be changed, so he suggested that they "let it continue for a couple years, then see how it's working" (看一看). Although some enterprises were reluctant to grow so large they would be noticeable, others continued to expand. Meanwhile, Deng continued to avoid public statements, a strategy that allowed private enterprises to grow in a way that would not alarm conservative officials. At the 13th Party Congress in 1987, party officials officially permitted individual household enterprises to hire more than seven employees. Deng had scored another victory by using his basic approach to reform: Don't argue, try it. If it works, let it spread. "
One of the things that I like about Deng is his humility. He was quoted repeatedly throughout the book as saying "in order to move forward, we first have to acknowledge our backwardness. We have to acknowledge we are backward and to learn from other countries. Ironically, the single country that contributed the most to China's modernization is probably Japan. A rather touching chapter entitled "Opening to Japan" describes how Deng and the Japanese leaders not only put WWII behind them, but also the eagerness of Japanese business to "make amends" by helping China to modernize. This is ironic because, once China had modernized and no longer needed Japan, the communist leaders turned the anti-Japan propaganda back on. Here is a quote regarding the period right after the Tiananmen protests, when the government sought to re-establish its legitimacy in the eyes of China's youth (and decided that turning the "anti-Japan" hate back on might be effective):
Patriotic Education
After the immediate crises in the weeks following June 4, Deng and the other leaders began to deal with the larger problem of alienation among Chinese youth toward their government and the Communist Party. When he discussed the problems that had led to June 4, Deng referred to the failure to provide youth with "education", by which, like Mao, he meant political education. Yet Deng's idea of education did not focus on "ideology," which he considered too rigid; instead, he endeavoured to provide civic and moral training. After June 4, 1989, what would this mean?
The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the USSR had revealed that youth in the Communist world had lost faith in Marxism-Leninism, the socialist economy, and Communist orthodoxy. Deng and his fellow party elders realized that political training in Marxism-Leninism or even Maoism could no longer be expected to appeal to the sensibilities of Chinse youth. Nor, even if Deng had personally supported it, would class struggle against the landlord and bourgeois classes resonate with the youth as it had in the height of the Mao era.
What should replace Marxism-Leninism and Maoist ideology to win the hearts and minds of China's youth? The answer seemed obvious: patriotism. Patriotic education that emphasized the history of the century of humiliation by foreign imperialists had been the main theme of propaganda in the 1940s, and it had never disappeared. It had, however, played only a secondary role as China had built up socialism beginning in the 1950s, and it had languished in the 1980s as Deng tried to build closer relations with the West. Yet after 1989, when Western countries were imposing sanctions [in response to the communist party massacring its own citizens at Tiananmen], there was [ironically] a widespread patriotic reaction against foreign sanctions. To many Westerners, sanctions on China were a way of attacking Chinese leaders who used force on June 4, but to Chinese people the sanctions hurt all Chinese. Patriotic "education" linked nationalism to the Communist Party, as the Communists in World War II appealed to patriotism and nationalism to rally support against the Japanese. Conversely, criticism of the Communist Party was ipso facto unpatriotic.
The sanctions imposed by foreign countries and the criticism of foreigners that followed June 4 provided Deng and his colleagues with a useful vehicle for enhancing this patriotism...Foreign criticism of China for its treatment of Tibetans, Uighurs, and other minority groups was presented as part of an organized effort by foreign powers to weaken China. The West's support for Taiwan and resistance to China's claims to the islands in the South China Sea were also offered up to the public as examples of efforts to keep China down. These stories and others had their intended effect. In the years after 1989, students who had shouted slogans against the government for corruption and for not granting more democracy and freedom began supporting the government and party by shouting slogans against foreigners, who they felt were unfairly criticizing China.
Among these efforts to teach patriotism, nothing was more effective than the revival of anti-Japanese propaganda that had promoted Chinese patriotism during World War II or when extreme right-wing politicians denied the Nanjing Massacre, even when these events received no publicity in Japan, their comments would receive play in Chinese media, stirring up strong anti-Japanese sentiments and support of Chinese political leaders.
This part of the book made me a little sad, because I had mistakingly believed that Deng was sincere in his desire to make peace with Japan. However, one thing that is clear after reading this book is that Deng is both good at keeping his emotions out of his decision-making process and very calculating. Not necessary in a sinister way - it's just that he logically works out what is best for his country, and then he does it. In the late 70s and early 80s, he believed that friendship with Japan was the best thing for China. In the late 80s and early 90s, he felt that keeping the communist party in power - and thereby avoiding civil war - was the best thing for China. For that reason, he sanctioned the massacre of the student protestors in 1989, and sanctioned the revival of anti-Japanese hatred in the early 90s. He didn't necessarily hate Japan himself or believe that the students deserved to die - these were just necessary actions for achieving what he believed to be a greater good.
Another example of this trait of Deng's arises in the section "Deng's Torturous Road to the Top" - possibly the most exciting part of the book - which describes how Deng was purged three times before ultimately emerging as the paramount leader. The first time he was purged, it was for "being part of the Mao clique" - this was before Mao came to power, and actually worked to his advantage later. The second time was during the Cultural Revolution, when Mao banished him to the countryside for several years for "being a capitalist roader". The third time was after Mao had let him back into the Party and just before Mao's death - in this case, it was because Mao was afraid that Deng would criticize the Cultural Revolution after his death, thereby tarnishing his legacy.
In actual fact, even though Deng had suffered greatly because of Mao (for example, his son was paralyzed from the neck down after being dropped out a window by Red Guards during the cultural revolution) and must have resented him, he calculated that for the good of the country, Mao's legacy must not be criticized too harshly (the logic being that this would hurt the Party's legitimacy and mandate to rule, possibly leading to another civil war).
I think this review is just about long enough, but I'll finish with one more quote that I particularly liked. This quote takes place in the final months before Mao's death, just after Zhou Enlai, the 2nd in command whom was widely loved (and thus hated by Mao, who was jealous). Because Mao resented Zhou, he did not attend his funeral, and when members of the public gathered in Tiananmen square laying wreaths in honor of his memory, he ordered the wreaths removed. This led to public outrage, and protests in Tiananmen (the "first Tiananmen incident"):
"Gao Wenqian, who at the time was working in the party archives, reports that for Mao the news of what happened in Tiananmen on April 5th was "more than distressing...At the very site where millions of young Red Guards had shouted 'long live' to him ... the same multitudes ... [were] roaring in protest against his rule...The judgement of history, he knew, would be exceedingly harsh. He was suddenly overwhelmed by fear and depression". China had not yet introduced voting, even in the villages, but the April 5 demonstrations had made it clear, at least in Beijing where the political consciousness was by far the highest, that Mao had lost the popular mandate, that Zhou Enlai was the public's hero, and the Deng Xiaoping had enough public support to become the preeminent leader."
I like this quote, because the vindictive side of me is happy that Mao died knowing he wasn't loved.
Winner of Lionel Gelber Prize
Finalist, Nation Book Critics Circle Awards, Biography
A Washington Post Best Book of the Year
A Wall Street Journal Book of the Year
An Economist Best Book of the Year
A Financial Times Best Book of the Year
A New York Times Book Review Editors' Choice
with this many awards, it's a good guess that it's going to be a good book.
It's also an incredibly massive book. 714 pages, plus another 150 pages of notes, and with enough mass that I think I could bludgeon someone to death with it if I had to. So, definitely a big investment to get through, but if you want to understand China's modernisation, I doubt there is a better book.
Deng Xiaoping is sometimes called "The Godfather of Modern China". He inherited from Mao a country devastated by Mao's disastrous policies, most recently the ten year long Cultural Revolution; he picked up the pieces and set China on the path towards becoming the superpower that it is today. This would have been hard enough if the country were committed to abandoning communism - but with a strong base of leftists remaining in the communist party, Deng had to implement his reforms - which were essentially capitalist in nature - without invoking the wrath of the hardcore leftists. Here is one representative example of how he went about this:
1. Problem: Agriculture reforms under Mao, which included grouping peasants together in large collective communes and banning private sale of excess grain on local markets - have led to mass starvation. Reversing these policies, however, is regarded as capitalist, and in 1980s China being a "capitalist" is like being a "white supremacist" or "rapist" in western society today, except with more severe repercussions.
2. Solution: Don't say that you are reversing Mao's reforms - just say that "peasants who are starving should be allowed to find ways to survive". Then, once the previously starving peasants are now thriving, quietly apply the same reforms everywhere else.
Generally speaking, Deng Xiaoping outsmarted the hardcore leftists in his party either by phrasing his proposed reforms in a clever way that they found hard to argue with, or else by avoiding arguing altogether. Rather than getting bogged down in arguments over whether or not proposed reforms adhered to the dogma of Marx-Leninism, Deng would quietly implement them, and let the results speak for themselves.
One example that I found particularly funny was when the party started experimenting with the idea of allowing private household enterprises. Like evangelical Christians interpreting the bible literally, high-level communists treated the works of Karl Marx like holy books and obeyed them religiously.
"But how to draw the line between heads of household enterprises and capitalists? In volume 4 of Das Kapital, Marx describes the case of an employer who had eight employees and was exploiting the labor of others. Practical Beijing politicians, then, suggested that as long as the household had no more than seven employees and the household head himself (or herself) worked, the leader of the household enterprise would be classified as a "worker".
By 1982 it was discovered that some household enterprises were hiring eight or even more workers, and a debate ensued. Deng asked what people were afraid of - that it would harm socialism? He used simple examples to make his case. If a farmer has three ducks, he has no problem, but if he gets a fourth duck, is he a capitalist? Still, the issue of where to draw the line on how many employees a private businessman could hire remained so sensitive that the final answer required the personal involvement of Deng and Chen Yun. Deng said to Chen Yun that if they publicly discussed the issue, people would be afraid that the policy allowing private enterprises could be changed, so he suggested that they "let it continue for a couple years, then see how it's working" (看一看). Although some enterprises were reluctant to grow so large they would be noticeable, others continued to expand. Meanwhile, Deng continued to avoid public statements, a strategy that allowed private enterprises to grow in a way that would not alarm conservative officials. At the 13th Party Congress in 1987, party officials officially permitted individual household enterprises to hire more than seven employees. Deng had scored another victory by using his basic approach to reform: Don't argue, try it. If it works, let it spread. "
One of the things that I like about Deng is his humility. He was quoted repeatedly throughout the book as saying "in order to move forward, we first have to acknowledge our backwardness. We have to acknowledge we are backward and to learn from other countries. Ironically, the single country that contributed the most to China's modernization is probably Japan. A rather touching chapter entitled "Opening to Japan" describes how Deng and the Japanese leaders not only put WWII behind them, but also the eagerness of Japanese business to "make amends" by helping China to modernize. This is ironic because, once China had modernized and no longer needed Japan, the communist leaders turned the anti-Japan propaganda back on. Here is a quote regarding the period right after the Tiananmen protests, when the government sought to re-establish its legitimacy in the eyes of China's youth (and decided that turning the "anti-Japan" hate back on might be effective):
Patriotic Education
After the immediate crises in the weeks following June 4, Deng and the other leaders began to deal with the larger problem of alienation among Chinese youth toward their government and the Communist Party. When he discussed the problems that had led to June 4, Deng referred to the failure to provide youth with "education", by which, like Mao, he meant political education. Yet Deng's idea of education did not focus on "ideology," which he considered too rigid; instead, he endeavoured to provide civic and moral training. After June 4, 1989, what would this mean?
The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the USSR had revealed that youth in the Communist world had lost faith in Marxism-Leninism, the socialist economy, and Communist orthodoxy. Deng and his fellow party elders realized that political training in Marxism-Leninism or even Maoism could no longer be expected to appeal to the sensibilities of Chinse youth. Nor, even if Deng had personally supported it, would class struggle against the landlord and bourgeois classes resonate with the youth as it had in the height of the Mao era.
What should replace Marxism-Leninism and Maoist ideology to win the hearts and minds of China's youth? The answer seemed obvious: patriotism. Patriotic education that emphasized the history of the century of humiliation by foreign imperialists had been the main theme of propaganda in the 1940s, and it had never disappeared. It had, however, played only a secondary role as China had built up socialism beginning in the 1950s, and it had languished in the 1980s as Deng tried to build closer relations with the West. Yet after 1989, when Western countries were imposing sanctions [in response to the communist party massacring its own citizens at Tiananmen], there was [ironically] a widespread patriotic reaction against foreign sanctions. To many Westerners, sanctions on China were a way of attacking Chinese leaders who used force on June 4, but to Chinese people the sanctions hurt all Chinese. Patriotic "education" linked nationalism to the Communist Party, as the Communists in World War II appealed to patriotism and nationalism to rally support against the Japanese. Conversely, criticism of the Communist Party was ipso facto unpatriotic.
The sanctions imposed by foreign countries and the criticism of foreigners that followed June 4 provided Deng and his colleagues with a useful vehicle for enhancing this patriotism...Foreign criticism of China for its treatment of Tibetans, Uighurs, and other minority groups was presented as part of an organized effort by foreign powers to weaken China. The West's support for Taiwan and resistance to China's claims to the islands in the South China Sea were also offered up to the public as examples of efforts to keep China down. These stories and others had their intended effect. In the years after 1989, students who had shouted slogans against the government for corruption and for not granting more democracy and freedom began supporting the government and party by shouting slogans against foreigners, who they felt were unfairly criticizing China.
Among these efforts to teach patriotism, nothing was more effective than the revival of anti-Japanese propaganda that had promoted Chinese patriotism during World War II or when extreme right-wing politicians denied the Nanjing Massacre, even when these events received no publicity in Japan, their comments would receive play in Chinese media, stirring up strong anti-Japanese sentiments and support of Chinese political leaders.
This part of the book made me a little sad, because I had mistakingly believed that Deng was sincere in his desire to make peace with Japan. However, one thing that is clear after reading this book is that Deng is both good at keeping his emotions out of his decision-making process and very calculating. Not necessary in a sinister way - it's just that he logically works out what is best for his country, and then he does it. In the late 70s and early 80s, he believed that friendship with Japan was the best thing for China. In the late 80s and early 90s, he felt that keeping the communist party in power - and thereby avoiding civil war - was the best thing for China. For that reason, he sanctioned the massacre of the student protestors in 1989, and sanctioned the revival of anti-Japanese hatred in the early 90s. He didn't necessarily hate Japan himself or believe that the students deserved to die - these were just necessary actions for achieving what he believed to be a greater good.
Another example of this trait of Deng's arises in the section "Deng's Torturous Road to the Top" - possibly the most exciting part of the book - which describes how Deng was purged three times before ultimately emerging as the paramount leader. The first time he was purged, it was for "being part of the Mao clique" - this was before Mao came to power, and actually worked to his advantage later. The second time was during the Cultural Revolution, when Mao banished him to the countryside for several years for "being a capitalist roader". The third time was after Mao had let him back into the Party and just before Mao's death - in this case, it was because Mao was afraid that Deng would criticize the Cultural Revolution after his death, thereby tarnishing his legacy.
In actual fact, even though Deng had suffered greatly because of Mao (for example, his son was paralyzed from the neck down after being dropped out a window by Red Guards during the cultural revolution) and must have resented him, he calculated that for the good of the country, Mao's legacy must not be criticized too harshly (the logic being that this would hurt the Party's legitimacy and mandate to rule, possibly leading to another civil war).
I think this review is just about long enough, but I'll finish with one more quote that I particularly liked. This quote takes place in the final months before Mao's death, just after Zhou Enlai, the 2nd in command whom was widely loved (and thus hated by Mao, who was jealous). Because Mao resented Zhou, he did not attend his funeral, and when members of the public gathered in Tiananmen square laying wreaths in honor of his memory, he ordered the wreaths removed. This led to public outrage, and protests in Tiananmen (the "first Tiananmen incident"):
"Gao Wenqian, who at the time was working in the party archives, reports that for Mao the news of what happened in Tiananmen on April 5th was "more than distressing...At the very site where millions of young Red Guards had shouted 'long live' to him ... the same multitudes ... [were] roaring in protest against his rule...The judgement of history, he knew, would be exceedingly harsh. He was suddenly overwhelmed by fear and depression". China had not yet introduced voting, even in the villages, but the April 5 demonstrations had made it clear, at least in Beijing where the political consciousness was by far the highest, that Mao had lost the popular mandate, that Zhou Enlai was the public's hero, and the Deng Xiaoping had enough public support to become the preeminent leader."
I like this quote, because the vindictive side of me is happy that Mao died knowing he wasn't loved.
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